LIFE 


OF 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  • 


TARED  SPARKS. 
\\ 


ABRIDGED   BY  THE   AUTHOR. 


VOL.  II. 


rsm 


BOSTON: 
PUBLISHED  BY  FERDINAND  AKDREWS. 

1840. 

.* 


Entered  according  to  act  of  Co/gress  in  the  year  1840,  by 

JARED   SPARKS, 
in  the  Clerk's  office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


CAMBRIDGE: 

STEREOTYPED     AND     PRINTED     BY 

FOLSOM,    WELLS,    AND    THURSTON, 

PRINTERS    TO    THE    UNIVERSITY. 


CONTENTS 

OF 

VOLUME  SECOND. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Spurious  Letters  written  and  circulated  in  the  Name  of 
Washington.  —  Conway's  Cabal. —  Persons  concerned  in 
it.  —  Honorable  and  generous  Conduct  of  Lafayette  in  re 
lation  to  this  Affair 1 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

Sufferings  of  the  Army  at  Valley  Forge.  —  New  Arrange 
ments  concerted  with  a  Committee  of  Congress.  —  Half- 
pay  granted  to  the  Officers  for  a  Term  of  Years.  —  Pro 
ceedings  in  Regard  to  Lord  North's  conciliatory  Bills.  .  17 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Arrival  of  the  French  Treaties  of  Alliance  and  Commerce. 

—  Comparative  Strength  of  the  British  and  American  Ar 
mies.  —  Discussions  respecting  an  Attack  on  Philadelphia. 

—  Plans  of  the  Enemy.  —  Evacuation  of  Philadelphia 

The  Army  crosses  the  Delaware.  —  Battle  of  Monmouth. 

—  Arrest  and  Trial  of  General  Lee 33 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Arrival  of  the  French  Fleet  under  Count  d'Estaing.  —  Plans 
for  combined  Operations  between  the  Fleet  and  the  Amer 
ican  Army.  —  Failure  of  an  Attempt  against  the  Enemy 
at  Rhode  Island.  —Cantonments  of  the  Army  for  the  Win- 


IV  CONTENTS. 

k  ter.  —  Exchange  of  Prisoners.  —  Congress.  —  Project  of 
an  Expedition  to  Canada 52 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

Conferences  with  a  Committee  of  Congress,  and  Plans  for 
the  next  Campaign.  —  Sullivan's  Expedition  against  the 
Indians.  —  The  Enemy  commence  a  predatory  Warfare. 

—  The  Burning  of  New  Haven,  F  airfield,  and  Norwalk.  — 
Stony  Point  stormed  and  taken.  —  Successful  Enterprise 
against  Paulus  Hook.  —  Washington's  Interviews  with  the 
French  Minister.  —  Plans  proposed  for  cooperating  with 
Count  d'Estaing.  —  The  Army  goes  into  Winter  Quarters. 

^ — Depreciation  of  the  Currency,  and  its  Effects.      ...    69 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Arrival  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  with  the  Intelligence 
that  a  French  Armament  was  on  its  Way  to  the  United 
States.  —  The  Army  takes  a  Position  near  Hudson's  River. 

—  The  French  Squadron  arrives  at  Newport.  —  Count  de 
Rochambeau's  Instructions. — French  Fleet  blockaded. — 
Interview  between  General  Washington  and  the  French 
Commander  at   Hartford.  —  The   Treason   of  Arnold.  — 
Plans  for  attacking  New  York 92 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

Mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  Troops.  —  Agen 
cy  of  Washington  in  procuring  Supplies  from  France. — 
Operations  of  the  Enemy  in  the  Chesapeake.  —  Detach 
ment  to  Virginia  under  Lafayette.  —  General  Washington 
visits  Count  de  Rochambeau  at  Newport.  —  Condition  of 
the  Army.  —  Interview  between  the  American  and  French 
Commanders  at  Weathersfield.  —  Plan  of  Operations.  — 
A  Combined  Attack  on  New  York  proposed 109 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Junction  between  the  American  and  French  Armies.  —  Intel 
ligence  from  Count  de  Grasse  in  the  West  Indies  changes 


CONTENTS.  V 

the  Objects  of  the  Campaign.  —  Successful  Operations  of 
Lafayette  against  Cornwallis.  —  The  combined  Armies 
cross  the  Hudson  and  march  to  Virginia.  —  The  Fleet  of 
Count  de  Grasse  enters  the  Chesapeake.  —  Siege  of  York- 
town.  —  Capitulation.  —  The  American  Army  returns  to 
Hudson's  River ;  the  French  remains  in  Virginia.  .  .  .126 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Preparations  for  another  Campaign  recommended  and  en 
forced  by  General  Washington  and  approved  by  Congress. 
—  Lafayette  returns  to  France.  —  The  Affair  of  Captain 
Asgill.  —  Backwardness  of  the  States  in  recruiting  the 
Army.  —  Proposal  to  General  Washington  to  assume  Su 
preme  Power,  and  his  Reply.  —  Sir  Guy  Carleton  gives 
Notice,  that  Negotiations  for  Peace  had  begun.  —  The 
French  Troops  march  from  Virginia,  join  General  Wash 
ington,  and  afterwards  embark  at  Boston 145 

CHAPTER    XXX. 

Dissatisfaction  of  the  Army.  —  The  Officers  send  a  Memorial 
to  Congress.  —  The  anonymous  Addresses  at  Newburg.  — 
Intelligence  arrives,  that  a  Treaty  of  Peace  had  been  sign 
ed  at  Paris.  —  General  Washington's  Sentiments  concern 
ing  the  civil  Government  of  the  Union.  —  His  Circular 
Letter  to  the  States.  —  He  makes  a  Tour  to  the  North.— 
Repairs  to  Congress  at  the  Request  of  that  Body.  —  His 
Farewell  Address  to  the  Army.  —  The  British  evacuate 
New  York.  —  Washington  resigns  his  Commission,  and 
retires  to  private  Life  at  Mount  Vernon X156 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

He  declines  receiving  pecuniary  Compensation  for  his  pub 
lic  Services.  —  His  Feelings  on  being  relieved  from 'the 
Burden  of  Office.  —  Devotes  himself  to  Agriculture.  — 
Makes  a  Tour  to  the  Western  Country.  —  His  extensive 
Plans  for  internal  Navigation.  —  These  Plans  adopted  by 
the  State  of  Virginia.  —  Visit  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette 
to  America.  —  Washington  refuses  to  accept  a  Donation 


VI  CONTENTS. 

from  the  State  of  Virginia. —His  liberal  Acts  for  the  En 
couragement  of  Education.  —  Approves  the  Countess  of 
Huntington's  Scheme  for  civilizing  and  Christianizing  the 
Indians 177 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

His  Operations  in  Farming  and  Horticulture. —  Visitors  at 
Mount  Vernon.  —  His  Habits.  —  Houdon's  Statue.  —  Con 
dition  of  the  Country  and  Defects  of  the  Confederacy.  — 
Washington's  Sentiments  thereon.  —  First  Steps  towards 
effecting  a  Reform.  —  Convention  at  Annapolis 194 

CHAPTER   XXXIII. 

Proposal  for  a  general  Convention,  and  Washington  appoint 
ed  a  Delegate  from  Virginia.  —  His  Reasons  for  wishing 
to  decline.  —  Society  of  the  Cincinnati.  —  Washington  ac 
cepts  the  Appointment  as  Delegate.  —  Attends  the  Con 
vention,  is  chosen  its  President,  and  affixes  his  Name  to 
the  New  Constitution.  —  His  Opinion  of  the  Constitution. 
—  It  is  adopted  by  the  People.  —  Washington  chosen  the 
first  President  of  the  United  States 207 

CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

He  receives  official  Notice  of  being  chosen  President.  — 
His  Journey  to  the  Seat  of  Government  at  New  York.  — 
His  Oath  of  Office  and  Inaugural  Speech.  —  Acquaints 
himself  with  the  State  of  public  Affairs.  —  His  Attention 
to  his  private  Pursuits.  —  His  Manner  of  receiving  Visits 
and  entertaining  Company.  —  Afflicted  with  a  severe  Ill 
ness. —  Death  of  his  Mother.  —  Economy  of  his  House 
hold.— Executive  Departments  formed 224 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 

Officers  of  the  Executive  Departments  appointed.  —  Judici 
ary  System  organized.  —  Washington's  Opinion  of  the  Su 
preme  Court.  —  His  Rule  in  Appointments  to  Office. — 
His  Journey  through  the  Eastern  States.  —  System  of 


CONTENTS.  Vll 

Funding  the  public  Debts.— Place  for  the  permanent  Seat 
of  Government  agreed  upon 239 

CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

The  President  visits  Rhode  Island  and  Mount  Vernon.  — 
Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States.  —  France,  Eng 
land,  Spain.  —  Indian  War.  —  Washington's  Policy  respect 
ing  the  Indians. —  Congress  meets  at  Philadelphia.  —  A 
National  Bank  established.  —  Tax  on  distilled  Spirits.  — 
The  President's  Tour  through  the  Southern  States.  —  Ap 
portionment  Bill. —  Parties  and  their  Causes. —  Dissen 
sions  between  the  Secretary  of  State  and  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury.  —  Washington's  Attempts  to  reconcile  them.  256 

CHAPTER   XXXVII. 

Washington  is  elected  President  for  a  Second  Term.  — 
Takes  the  Oath  of  Office.  —  Relations  between  the  United 
States  and  France.  —  Opinions  of  the  Cabinet.  —  Procla 
mation  of  Neutrality.  —  Party  Divisions  and  Excitements. 
—  Genet  received  as  Minister  from  France.  —  His  ex 
traordinary  Conduct.  —  Meeting  of  Congress.  —  The  Pres 
ident  recommends  Measures  of  Defence.  —  Commercial 
Affairs.  —  Mr.  Madison's  Commercial  Resolutions.  —  Mr. 
Jay  appointed  Envoy  Extraordinary  to  negotiate  a  Treaty 
with  England.  —  Military  Preparations 276 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

Insurrection  in  Pennsylvania.  —  Measures  adopted  by  the 
President  for  suppressing  it.  —  Plan  for  redeeming  the 
Public  Debt. —  The  British  Treaty  ratified  by  the  Sen 
ate. —  Popular  Excitement  respecting  it. —  The  Treaty 
confirmed  by  the  Signature  of  the  President.  —  Resigna 
tion  of  Mr.  Randolph.  —  Circumstances  attending  it.  .  .  294 

CHAPTER   XXXIX. 

The  President  refuses  to  furnish  Papers  to  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  relation  to  the  British  Treaty.  —  Cap- 


Vill  CONTENTS. 

tivity  of  Lafayette,  and  Means  used  by  Washington  to 
procure  his  Liberation.  —  Difficulties  with  France  in  re 
gard  to  the  British  Treaty.  —  Recall  of  Mr.  Monroe.— 
Washington's  Farewell  Address.  —  His  last  Speech  to  Con 
gress.  —  Inauguration  of  his  Successor.  —  Testimony  of 
Respect  shown  to  him  by  the  Citizens  of  Philadelphia. — 
He  retires  to  Mount  Vernon.  —  Review  of  his  Adminis 
tration 311 

CHAPTER  XL. 

Washington  devotes  himself  to  his  private  Affairs.  —  Troubles 
between  France  and  the  United  States.  —  Preparations  for 
War.  —  Washington  appointed  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
Provisional  Army  of  the  United  States.  —  Organization  and 
Arrangement  of  the  Army.  —  Disputes  with  France  ad 
justed.  —  His  last  Illness  and  Death.  —  His  Character.  .  326 


LIFE 


OF 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


Spurious  Letters  written  and  circulated  in  the  Name  of  Wash 
ington. —  Conway's  Cabal. —  Persons  concerned  in  it.  —  Hon 
orable  and  generous  Conduct  of  Lafayette  in  relation  to  this 
Affair. 


THE  command  of  the  American  armies,  and 
the  responsibilities  attending  that  high  office, 
were  not  the  only  causes  of  vexation,  which 
at  this  time  harassed  the  mind  of  Washington. 
Attempts  were  made  by  his  public  adversaries, 
and  by  secret  foes  wearing  the  mask  of  friend 
ship,  to  destroy  his  influence  and  ruin  his  char 
acter. 

A  pamphlet  was  published  in  London,  con 
taining  a  series  of  letters,  purporting  to  have 
been  written  by  him  in  the  summer  of  1776, 
and  with  his  signature  attached  to  them.  It 
was  stated  in  the  preface,  that,  when  Fort  Lee 
was  evacuated,  General  Washington's  servant 

VOL.   II.  1 


2  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

was  left  behind  indisposed  ;  that  in  his  posses 
sion  was  a  small  portmanteau  belonging  to  the 
General,  in  which,  among  other  things  of  tri 
fling  value,  were  the  drafts  of  several  private 
letters  to  Mrs.  Washington,  Mr.  Lund  Wash 
ington,  and  Mr.  Custis ;  and  that  these  had 
been  transmitted  to  England  by  an  officer,  into 
whose  hands  they  had  fallen.  This  fiction 
was  contrived  to  deceive  the  public  into  a  be 
lief  of  the  genuineness  of  the  letters,  although 
in  reality  not  one  of  General  Washington's 
servants,  nor  a  single  article  of  his  baggage, 
was  taken  by  the  enemy  in  the  whole  course 
of  the  war.  But  the  tenor  of  the  letters  was 
the  most  insidious  part  of  the  fabrication. 
Washington  is  represented  as  expressing  senti 
ments  totally  at  variance  with  his  conduct, 
and  as  deprecating  the  misguided  zeal  and 
rashness  of  Congress  in  declaring  indepen 
dence,  and  pushing  the  opposition  to  Great 
Britain  to  so  perilous  an  extremity.  The  let 
ters  were  reprinted  in  New  York,  and  indus 
triously  circulated  in  various  forms  through 
the  agency  of  disaffected  persons.  The  dis 
guise  was  too  flimsy  to  cover  so  nefarious  a 
purpose.  Whatever  credit  they  may  have 
gained  in  England,  they  could  have  no  influ 
ence  on  his  countrymen,  who  understood  his 
character. 


^Er.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  3 

The  author  of  these  spurious  epistles  was 
never  publicly  known.  They  were  written 
with  considerable  art,  and  by  a  person  ac 
quainted  with  many  particulars  of  General 
Washington's  family  concerns.  It  is  probable, 
also,  that  parts  of  intercepted  letters  actually 
written  by  him  were  interwoven.  He  never 
thought  the  subject  worthy  of  his  notice,  till 
near  the  end  of  his  presidency,  when  a  new 
edition  of  these  same  forgeries  was  palmed 
upon  the  public  to  gratify  the  spleen  of  a  ma 
lignant  party  spirit,  and  to  effect  a  purpose 
even  more  infamous  than  the  one  contemplated 
by  their  original  author.  He  then  declared 
them,  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  to 
be  spurious  and  false. 

Whilst  the  enemies  of  his  country  were 
thus  employed  in  scattering  the  seeds  of  de 
traction  and  falsehood,  the  agents  of  faction 
were  secretly  at  work,  both  in  the  army  and 
in  Congress,  to  disparage  and  undermine  his 
reputation.  This  conspiracy  has  been  called 
Conway's  Cabal,  from  the  name  of  the  indi 
vidual  who  acted  the  most  conspicuous  part. 
The  other  prominent  leaders  were  General 
Gates  and  General  Mifflin.  The  causes  and 
origin  of  the  disaffection  of  these  officers  to 
the  Commander-in-chief  have  not  been  ex 
plained.  When  they  joined  the  service,  at  the 


4  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

beginning  of  the  war,  they  professed  to  be  his 
friends,  and  probably  were  such.  It  was 
mainly  at  his  instance,  that  General  Gates  re 
ceived  his  first  appointment.  Being  an  Eng 
lishman  by  birth,  some  of  the  members  of 
Congress  had  scruples  on  the  subject,  thinking 
their  cause  would  be  safest  in  the  charge  of 
native  Americans,  both  on  account  of  their  in 
fluence  over  the  people,  and  of  the  ardor  and 
sincerity  of  their  patriotism.  These  scruples 
were  waved,  however,  in  favor  of  Gates  and 
Charles  Lee,  and  in  each  case  at  the  solicita 
tion  of  Washington,  who  had  confidence  in 
their  attachment  to  American  liberty,  and  be 
lieved  important  aid  might  be  derived  from 
their  military  skill  and  experience. 

The  first  symptoms  of  discontent  are  sup 
posed  to  have  been  manifested  at  Cambridge. 
Gates  was  adjutant-general  of  the  army,  with 
the  rank  of  brigadier.  Mifflin  went  there  as 
aid-de-camp  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  by 
whom,  under  the  authority  of  Congress,  he 
was  appointed  quartermaster-general,  with  the 
rank  of  colonel.  After  the  organization  of  the 
first  Continental  army,  Gates  applied  for  the 
command  of  a  brigade,  and  Mifflin  of  a  regi 
ment.  These  requests  were  declined  by  Wash 
ington,  on  the  ground,  in  the  first  place,  that 
the  duties  of  their  offices  required  their  whole 


^Er.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  5 

attention,  and,  in  the  next,  that  such  an  indul 
gence  would  interfere  with  the  just  claims  of 
other  officers.  This  refusal  is  thought  to  have 
given  an  offence,  that  was  not  forgotten.  It  is 
certain,  that,  after  the  army  marched  from 
Cambridge,  General  Gates  made  interest  with 
Congress  to  be  employed  at  a  distance  from 
Washington's  immediate  command,  and  con 
tinued  to  do  so ;  and  the  correspondence  with 
him  on  the  part  of  Gates,  made  necessary  by 
his  official  relation  to  the  Commander-in-chief, 
so  far  from  being  cordial  and  friendly,  was 
marked  with  "  an  air  of  design,  a  want  of 
candor  in  many  instances,  and  even  of  polite 
ness."  These  are  the  words  of  Washington, 
contained  in  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Con 
gress  three  years  after  the  army  left  Cam 
bridge,  and  they  are  verified  by  the  correspond 
ence  since  published. 

Conway,  by  birth  an  Irishman,  had  been  in 
the  French  service  from  his  youth,  and  found 
ed  his  claim  to  consideration  on  the  circum 
stance  of  his  being  an  officer  of  thirty  years' 
experience.  He  joined  the  army  at  Morris- 
town,  having  the  rank  of  brigadier,  by  the 
appointment  of  Congress.  Of  all  the  men  in 
the  world,  he  was  the  last  to  conciliate  the  fa 
vor  of  Washington.  Boastful,  presumptuous, 
and  intriguing,  bent  on  pushing  his  fortune, 


6  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

and  looking  only  to  personal  aggrandizement, 
he  was  unprincipled  in  regard  to  the  means 
and  reckless  of  consequences.  Abundant  proofs 
of  these  traits  of  character  and  of  sinister  aims 
were  exhibited  during  the  campaign ;  and, 
when  it  was  rumored  that  Conway  was  to  be 
promoted,  Washington  wrote  to  a  member  of 
Congress  a  letter  of  strong  remonstrance  against 
it,  assigning  his  reasons  without  reserve.  The 
success  of  the  northern  army,  in  the  capture 
of  Burgoyne,  was  the  signal  for  the  malecon- 
tents  to  assume  a  bolder  attitude  in  prosecuting 
their  machinations.  Anonymous  letters  were 
sent  to  the  President  of  Congress  and  the  Gov 
ernor  of  Virginia,  filled  with  insinuations,  com 
plaints,  and  exaggerated  statements,  and  as 
cribing  all  the  misfortunes  of  the  campaign  to 
the  incapacity,  or  ill-timed  Fabian  policy,  of 
the  Commander-in-chief.  It  was  affirmed,  with 
as  much  effrontery  as  falsehood,  that  his  force 
had  been  three  or  four  times  as  large  as  that 
opposed  to  him  ;  and  no  pains  were  spared  to 
make  it  appear,  that  all  his  plans  and  opera 
tions  evinced  a  want  of  military  knowledge, 
judgment,  and  decision. 

These  artifices,  though  practised  in  secret 
for  a  time,  were  well  known  to  Washington. 
His  scrutinizing  observation  easily  penetrated 
the  designs  of  those,  who  acted  under  the 


^Er.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  7 

cloak  of  a  pretended  attachment :  and  his  real 
friends,  moved  not  less  by  a  sense  of  duty 
to  their  country,  than  of  justice  to  him,  took 
care  to  put  him  on  his  guard,  and  to  acquaint 
him  with  the  intrigues  of  the  cabal,  as  far  as 
they  could  be  ascertained  from  overt  acts,  or 
inferred  from  less  obvious  indications.  The 
affair  was  at  length  brought  to  his  notice  in  a 
definite  shape.  When  Colonel  Wilkinson,  one 
of  Gates's  aids-de-camp,  was  on  his  way  from 
Saratoga  to  Congress,  as  bearer  of  despatches 
announcing  the  capitulation  of  Burgoyne,  he 
stopped  at  the  quarters  of  Lord  Stirling,  who 
was  then  at  Reading.  In  a  free  conversation 
while  there,  Wilkinson  repeated  part  of  a  letter, 
which  Gates  had  received  from  Conway,  con 
taining  strictures  on  the  management  of  the 
army  under  Washington,  accompanied  with 
disparaging  reflections.  Prompted  by  patriot 
ism  and  friendship,  Lord  Stirling  communi 
cated  to  him  an  extract  from  the  letter  as  re 
peated  by  Wilkinson.  A  correspondence  on 
the  subject  followed  between  Washington, 
Gates,  and  Conway.  The  genuineness  of  the 
extract  was  denied,  but  the  letter  itself  was 
never  produced.  Two  or  three  persons  after 
wards  saw  it  in  confidence,  among  whom  was 
Mr.  Laurens,  President  of  Congress:  and,  al 
though  the  words  proved  not  to  be  exactly  the 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

same,  yet  the  tenor  and  spirit  of  the  letter 
were  accurately  reported.  The  transaction,  and 
the  incidents  springing  from  it,  could  not  long 
be  concealed  from  the  officers  of  the  army. 
Rumors  respecting  them  went  abroad,  and  the 
public  sentiment  was  expressed  in  a  tone  so 
unequivocal  and  decided,  as  to  discourage  the 
instigators  ;  and  their  schemes  were  abandoned, 
before  they  had  produced  any  of  the  fatal  mis 
chiefs,  which  must  inevitably  have  followed, 
if  their  ambitious  hopes  had  been  realized. 

There  is  no  reason  to  suppose,  that  any  of 
the  officers  were  directly  implicated  in  the  ca 
bal,  except  Gates,  Mifflin,  and  Conway.  That 
a  considerable  party  in  Congress  favored  the 
projects  of  these  men  is  evident  from  the  pro 
ceedings  of  that  body  for  several  months. 
After  the  capitulation  at  Saratoga,  Gates  for 
warded  the  official  account  of  the  event  to 
Congress,  without  communicating  the  intelli 
gence  in  any  shape  to  the  Commander-in- 
chief,  which  his  duty  as  an  officer  and  the 
common  rules  of  courtesy  required  him  to  do; 
and  Congress  never  intimated  their  dissatisfac 
tion  with  this  breach  of  decorum,  and  marked 
disrespect  to  the  commander  of  their  armies, 
whose  authority  they  were  bound  to  support. 
Nearly  at  the  same  time  Congress  instituted  a 
new  Board  of  War,  to  which  were  granted 


^ET.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  9 

large  powers,  and  of  which  Gates  and  Mifflin 
were  appointed  members,  Gates  being  placed 
at  its  head. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  this  board  was  a 
projected  expedition  to  Canada,  planned  by 
Gates,  and  approved  by  Congress,  without  con 
sulting  Washington  in  the  least  of  its  particu 
lars.  The  first  intimation  he  had  of  it  was  in 
a  letter  from  the  Board  of  War,  enclosing 
another  to  Lafayette,  informing  him  of  his  be 
ing  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  expedi 
tion.  It  was  the  design  of  this  stroke  of  pol 
icy  to  bring  over  Lafayette  to  the  interests  of 
the  faction.  They  had  little  knowledge  of  his 
character.  He  was  not  to  be  deceived  nor 
cajoled.  He  carried  the  letter  to  Washington, 
told  him  that  he  saw  through  the  artifice,  and 
should  decline.  Washington  replied,  that  he 
knew  not  the  object  of  the  expedition,  nor 
how  it  was  to  be  carried  into  effect,  but  the 
appointment  was  an  honorable  one,  which 
would  place  him  in  a  conspicuous  station, 
where  he  would  in  any  event  acquit  himself 
with  credit ;  for,  if  the  enterprise  should  fail, 
he  was  persuaded  his  conduct  would  be  such 
as  to  save  him  from  faults  and  screen  him  from 
censure,  and  the  responsibility  would  rest  with 
its  projectors.  Yielding  to  this  advice,  he  ac 
ceded  to  the  proposal,  went  to  Albany,  where 


10  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

he  had  been  promised  that  troops  and  every 
thing  necessary  should  be  provided,  and,  after 
waiting  there  three  months,  his  patience  being 
exhausted  and  all  his  hopes  defeated,  as  the 
Board  of  War  did  nothing  to  fulfil  their  prom 
ise  or  promote  the  expedition,  he  returned  to 
the  camp  at  Yalley  Forge.* 

And  it  might  here  be  recorded  to  the  honor 
of  Lafayette,  if  indeed  his  whole  career  in 

*  Before  Lafayette  commenced  his  journey  to  Albany, 
he  rode  to  Yorktown,  for  the  purpose  of  making  arrange 
ments  with  the  Board  of  War.  As  soon  as  he  arrived, 
he  called  on  General  Gates,  whom  he  found  surrounded 
by  his  friends  seated  at  a  dinner-table.  They  greeted 
him  with  much  cordiality.  He  joined  them  at  the  table, 
the  wine  passed  round,  and  several  toasts  were  given. 
Determined  not  to  act  under  disguise,  and  to  take  the 
first  opportunity  of  letting  his  sentiments  be  known,  he 
called  to  them,  just  as  they  were  about  to  rise,  and  ob 
served  that  one  toast  had  been  omitted,  which  he  would 
propose.  The  glasses  were  filled,  and  he  gave  as  a  toast, 
"The  Commander-in-chief  of  the  American  armies." 
It  is  needless  to  say,  that  it  was  coldly  received ;  and  it 
is  possible,  that  this  early  and  bold  avowal  of  his  predi 
lections  had  some  influence  in  damping  the  ardor,  with 
which  the  leaders  of  the  faction  had  planned  this  abor 
tive  Canada  expedition.  Conway  was  appointed  second 
in  command ;  but  Lafayette  insisted  that  the  Baron  de 
Kalb,  in  whom  he  had  confidence,  should  be  one  of  the 
officers,  which  was  granted,  but  not  without  evident  re 
luctance.  Baron  de  Kalb,  being  higher  in  rank  than 
Conway,  was  thus  the  second  in  command,  and  Conway 
the  third. 


^Er.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  11 

America  was  not  a  noble  monument  to  his 
honor,  his  generosity,  and  unwavering  fidelity 
to  every  trust  reposed  in  him,  that  from  the 
very  first  he  resisted  every  attempt  that  was 
made  by  the  flatteries  of  Conway,  and  the  ar 
tifices  of  others,  to  bring  him  into  the  league. 
In  the  earliest  stage  of  the  cabal,  before  it  had 
been  whispered  to  the  public,  he  wrote  to 
Washington,  stating  his  opinion  of  Conway, 
and  his  fears  for  the  unhappy  consequences 
that  might  flow  from  his  conduct.  "  I  need 
not  tell  you,"  said  he,  "  how  sorry  I  am  at 
what  has  happened  ;  it  is  a  necessary  result  of 
my  tender  and  respectful  friendship  for  you, 
which  is  as  true  and  candid  as  the  other  senti 
ments  of  my  heart,  and  much  stronger  than  so  • 
new  an  acquaintance  might  seem  to  admit. 
But  another  reason  for  my  concern  is  my  ar 
dent  and  perhaps  enthusiastic  wish  for  the 
happiness  and  liberty  of  this  country.  I  see 
plainly  that  America  can  defend  herself,  if 
proper  measures  are  taken  ;  but  I  begin  to  fear 
that  she  may  be  lost  by  herself  and  her  own 
sons."  And  again  in  conclusion  he  added; 
"  My  desire  of  deserving  your  approbation  is 
strong  ;  and,  whenever  you  shall  employ  me, 
you  can  be  certain  of  my  trying  every  exer 
tion  in  my  power  to  succeed.  I  am  now 
bound  to  your  fate,  and  I  shall  follow  it  and. 


12  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1777. 

sustain  it,  as  well  by  my  sword  as  by  all  the 
means  in  my  power."  To  this  pledge  he  was 
ever  true.* 

Standing  firm  in  his  integrity,  Washington 
took  no  pains  to  counteract  these  machinations 
of  his  enemies,  and,  whatever  may  have  been 
his  regret  and  indignation  at  such  evidences 
of  ingratitude  and  perfidy,  he  did  not  allow 
them  to  disturb  his  equanimity,  or  to  turn  him 

*  The  following  extract  from  a  letter  written  by  Lafa 
yette  to  Baron  Steuben,  while  the  faction  was  at  its 
height,  affords  an  additional  proof  of  his  warm  and  gen 
erous  friendship  for  Washington.  It  was  dated  at  Alba 
ny,  on  the  12th  of  March,  1778.  Baron  Steuben  had 
recently  arrived  in  the  country. 

"  Permit  me,"  said  Lafayette,  "  to  express  my  satisfac 
tion  at  your  having  seen  General  Washington.  No  ene 
mies  to  that  great  man  can  be  found,  except  among  the 
enemies  to  his  country ;  nor  is  it  possible  for  any  man 
of  a  noble  spirit  to  refrain  from  loving  the  excellent  qual 
ities  of  his  heart.  I  think  I  know  him  as  well  as  any 
person,  and  such  is  the  idea  which  I  have  formed  of  him. 
His  honesty,  his  frankness,  his  sensibility,  his  virtue,  to 
the  full  extent  in  which  this  word  can  be  understood,  are 
above  all  praise.  It  is  not  for  me  to  judge  of  his  milita 
ry  talents ;  but,  according  to  my  imperfect  knowledge 
of  these  matters,  his  advice  in  council  has  always  ap 
peared  to  me  the  best,  although  his  modesty  prevents 
him  sometimes  from  sustaining  it;  and  his  predictions 
have  generally  been  fulfilled.  I  am  the  more  happy  in 
giving  you  this  opinion  of  my  friend,  with  all  the  sincer 
ity  which  I  feel,  because  some  persons  may  perhaps  at 
tempt  to  deceive  you  on  this  point." 


^Er.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  13 

in  the  least  degree  from  his  lofty  purpose  of 
serving  his  country  in  the  sphere  allotted  to 
him  with  the  disinterestedness,  diligence,  and 
ardor,  that  characterized  his  public  life  in 
every  vicissitude  of  events.  In  a  letter  to 
President  Laurens,  who  had  enclosed  to  him 
an  anonymous  communication  of  a  very  insid 
ious  tendency,  which  he  had  received,  and 
which  the  writer  designed  for  Congress,  Wash 
ington  wrote  as  follows. 

"  I  cannot  sufficiently  express  the  obligation 
I  feel  to  you,  for  your  friendship  and  polite 
ness  upon  an  occasion  in  which  I  am  so  deep 
ly  interested.  I  was  not  unapprized,  that  a 
malignant  faction  had  been  for  some  time  form 
ing  to  my  prejudice ;  which,  conscious  as  I 
am  of  having  ever  done  all  in  my  power  to 
answer  the  important  purposes  of  the  trust  re 
posed  in  me,  could  not  but  give  me  some  pain 
on  a  personal  account.  But  my  chief  concern 
arises  from  an  apprehension  of  the  dangerous 
consequences,  which  intestine  dissensions  may 
produce  to  the  common  cause. 

"  As  I  have  no  other  view  than  to  promote 
the  public  good,  and  am  unambitious  of  hon 
ors  not  founded  in  the  approbation  of  my 
country,  I  would  not  desire  in  the  least  degree 
to  suppress  a  free  spirit  of  inquiry  into  any 
part  of  my  conduct,  that  even  faction  itself 


14  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

may  deem  reprehensible.  The  anonymous 
paper  handed  to  you  exhibits  many  serious 
charges,  and  it  is  my  wish  that  it  should  be 
submitted  to  Congress.  This  I  am  the  more 
inclined  to,  as  the  suppression  or  concealment 
may  possibly  involve  you  in  embarrassments 
hereafter,  since  it  is  uncertain  how  many  or 
who  may  be  privy  to  the  contents. 

"  My  enemies  take  an  ungenerous  advantage 
of  me.  They  know  the  delicacy  of  my  situ 
ation,  and  that  motives  of  policy  deprive  me 
of  the  defence  I  might  otherwise  make  against 
their  insidious  attacks.  They  know  I  cannot 
combat  their  insinuations,  however  injurious, 
without  disclosing  secrets,  which  it  is  of  the 
utmost  moment  to  conceal.  But  why  should 
I  expect  to  be  exempt  from  censure,  the  un 
failing  lot  of  an  elevated  station  ?  Merit  and 
talents,  with  which  I  can  have  no  pretensions 
of  rivalship,  have  ever  been  subject  to  it.  My 
heart  tells  me,  that  it  has  been  my  unremitted 
aim  to  do  the  best  that  circumstances  would 
permit ;  yet  I  may  have  been  very  often  mis 
taken  in  my  judgment  of  the  means,  and  may 
in  many  instances  deserve  the  imputation  of 
error." 

To  what  extent  the  members  of  Congress 
were  concerned  in  this  affair,  it  would  be  dif 
ficult  now  to  decide.  Names  have  been  men- 


^Ex.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  15 

tioned,  but  without  such  a  clear  statement  of 
facts  as  to  fix  a  direct  charge  upon  any  indi 
vidual.  The  proceedings  of  Congress  show, 
that  the  faction  had  supporters  in  that  body  ; 
but  who  they  were,  or  what  precise  objects 
they  had  in  view,  cannot  now  be  ascertained 
from  the  testimony  hitherto  made  public. 
The  first  aim  of  the  cabal  was.  no  doubt,  to 
disgust  Washington  and  cause  him  to  resign. 
It  is  probable,  that  Gates's  immediate  coadju 
tors  in  the  army  looked  to  him  as  the  succes 
sor,  and  that  Gates  flattered  himself  with  this 
illusive  dream.  The  dissatisfied  members  of 
Congress,  it  is  more  likely,  had  their  eyes  up 
on  Charles  Lee,  who  was  soon  to  be  exchanged. 
Conway  was  the  victim  of  his  ambition  and 
intrigues.  Being  wounded  by  an  American 
officer  in  a  duel,  he  wrote  to  General  Wash 
ington  while  he  thought  himself  near  his  end, 
expressing  sorrow  for  his  past  conduct.  "  My 
career  will  soon  be  over,"  said  he  ;  "  therefore 
justice  and  truth  prompt  me  to  declare  my  last 
sentiments.  You  are  in  my  eyes  the  great 
and  good  man.  May  you  long  enjoy  the  love, 
veneration,  and  esteem  of  these  States,  whose 
liberties  you  have  asserted  by  your  virtues." 
This  confession,  dictated  at  a  solemn  moment 
by  a  corroding  conscience,  although  it  may  be 
deemed  an  apology  for  personal  injuries,  can- 


16  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

not  atone  for  the  guilt  of  having  endeavored, 
in  a  time  of  public  danger  and  distress,  to  kin 
dle  the  flame  of  discord  in  a  country,  whose 
liberties  he  had  offered  to  vindicate,  and 
whose  cause  he  was  pretending  to  serve.  He 
unexpectedly  recovered  of  his  wound,  and  re 
turned  to  France,  leaving  a  name  which  few 
will  envy,  and  an  example  which  no  one  will 
be  ambitious  to  imitate,  who  reflects  how  soon 
a  crime  may  be  followed  by  a  just  retribution. 


jET.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


Sufferings  of  the  Army  at  Valley  Forge.  —  New  Arrangements 
concerted  with  a  Committee  of  Congress.  —  Half-pay  granted 
to  the  Officers  for  a  Term  of  Years.  —  Proceedings  in  Regard 
to  Lord  North's  conciliatory  Bills. 


THE  winter  at  Valley  Forge  is  memorable 
in  the  history  of  the  war.  Owing  to  changes 
in  the  quartermaster's  and  commissary's  de 
partments,  according  to  a  scheme  planned  by 
Congress  contrary  to  the  judgment  of  Wash 
ington,  the  army  had  been  wretchedly  sup 
plied  ;  and  at  no  time  were  the  sufferings  of  the 
troops  so  great,  as  they  were  for  a  few  weeks 
after  they  went  into  winter  quarters.  Hardly 
were  the  huts  begun,  when  information  was 
received,  that  a  party  of  the  enemy  had  left 
Philadelphia,  with  the  apparent  design  of  for 
aging  and  drawing  subsistence  from  the  coun 
try.  Several  regiments  were  ordered  to  be  in 
readiness  to  march,  when  it  was  discovered 
that  they  had  no  provisions,  and  that  a  danger 
ous  mutiny  was  on  the  point  of  breaking  out. 
The  only  remedy  was  to  send  parties  abroad 
to  collect,  wherever  they  could  find  it,  as  much 
provision  as  would  satisfy  the  pressing  wants 
of  the  soldiers. 

VOL.  n.  2 


18  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

The  same  wants  recurred  at  different  times 
through  the  winter.  On  one  occasion  General 
Washington  wrote  ;  "  For  some  days  there  has 
been  little  less  than  a  famine  in  camp.  A  part 
of  the  army  have  been  a  week  without  any 
kind  of  flesh,  and  the  rest  three  or  four  days. 
Naked  and  starving  as  they  are,  we  cannot 
enough  admire  the  incomparable  patience  and 
fidelity  of  the  soldiery,  that  they  have  not 
been  ere  this  excited  by  their  sufferings  to  a 
general  mutiny  and  dispersion.  Strong  symp 
toms,  however,  of  discontent  have  appeared  in 
particular  instances  ;  and  nothing  but  the  most 
active  efforts  everywhere  can  long  avert  so 
shocking  a  catastrophe."  Such  was  the  scarci 
ty  of  blankets,  that  many  of  the  men  were 
obliged  to  sit  up  all  night  by  the  fires,  without 
covering  to  protect  them  while  taking  the  com 
mon  refreshment  of  sleep;  and  in  numerous 
instances  they  were  so  scantily  clad,  that  they 
could  not  leave  their  huts.  Although  the  offi 
cers  were  better  provided,  yet  none  was  ex 
empt  from  exposures,  privations,  and  hard 
ships. 

Notwithstanding  this  deplorable  condition 
of  the  army,  there  were  not  wanting  those, 
who  complained  of  its  inactivity,  and  insisted 
on  a  winter  campaign.  When  the  encamp 
ment  was  begun  at  Valley  Forge,  the  whole 


JEr.te.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  19 

number  of  men  in  the  field  was  eleven  thou 
sand  and  ninety-eight,  of  whom  two  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  ninety-eight  were  unfit  for 
duty,  "  being  barefoot  and  otherwise  naked." 
In  making  this  statement  to  Congress,  and  allu 
ding  to  a  memorial  of  the  legislature  of  Penn 
sylvania,  Washington  said  ;  "  We  find  gentle 
men,  without  knowing  whether  the  army  was 
really  going  into  winter  quarters  or  not,  repro 
bating  the  measure  as  much  as  if  they  thought 
the  soldiers  were  made  of  stocks  or  stones, 
and  equally  insensible  of  frost  and  snow ;  and 
moreover,  as  if  they  conceived  it  easily  practi 
cable  for  an  inferior  army,  under  the  disadvan 
tages  I  have  described  ours  to  be,  which  are  by 
no  means  exaggerated,  to  confine  a  superior 
one,  in  all  respects  well  appointed  and  provid 
ed  for  a  winter's  campaign,  within  the  city 
of  Philadelphia,  and  to  cover  from  depreda 
tion  and  waste  the  States  of  Pennsylvania  and 
New  Jersey.  But  what  makes  this  matter  still 
more  extraordinary  in  my  eye  is,  that  these 
very  gentlemen,  —  who  were  well  apprized 
of  the  nakedness  of  the  troops  from  ocular 
demonstration,  who  thought  their  own  soldiers 
worse  clad  than  others,  and  who  advised  me 
near  a  month  ago  to  postpone  the  execution  of 
a  plan  I  was  about  to  adopt,  in  consequence 
of  a  resolve  of  Congress,  for  seizing  clothes, 


20  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

under  strong  assurances  that  an  ample  supply 
would  be  collected  in  ten  days  agreeably  to  a 
decree  of  the  State  (not  one  article  of  which, 
by  the  by,  is  yet  come  to  hand),  —  should 
think  a  winter's  campaign,  and  the  covering 
of  these  States  from  the  invasion  of  an  enemy, 
so  easy  and  practicable  a  business.  I  can  as 
sure  those  gentlemen,  that  it  is  a  much  easier 
and  less  distressing  thing  to  draw  remonstran 
ces  in  a  comfortable  room  by  a  good  fireside, 
than  to  occupy  a  cold,  bleak  hill,  and  sleep  un 
der  frost  and  snow,  without  clothes  or  blankets. 
However,  although  they  seem  to  have  little 
feeling  for  the  naked  and  distressed  soldiers,  I 
feel  superabundantly  for  them,  and,  from  my 
soul,  I  pity  those  miseries,  which  it  is  neither 
in  my  power  to  relieve  nor  prevent." 

After  the  immediate  wants  of  the  army  in 
camp  were  provided  for,  he  next  employed  his 
thoughts  in  devising  a  new  and  improved  sys 
tem  for  the  future.  The  experience  of  three 
campaigns  had  proved  the  necessity  of  radical 
and  extensive  changes  in  the  plans  hitherto 
pursued,  both  in  regard  to  the  organization  and 
discipline  of  the  army,  and  to  the  methods  of 
obtaining  supplies.  He  deemed  the  subject  to 
be  of  the  utmost  importance,  and  one  upon  the 
due  adjustment  of  which  would  depend  not 
only  the  efficiency,  but  even  the  existence,  of 


^Er.  46.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  21 

a  Continental  military  force.  That  he  might 
act  upon  the  soundest  principles,  and  with  all 
the  aids  that  could  be  collected  from  the 
knowledge  and  reflections  of  others,  he  re 
quested  the  general  officers  to  state  their  senti 
ments  in  writing.  The  result  was  a  series  of 
elaborate  essays,  containing  such  facts,  discus 
sions,  and  opinions,  as  the  judgment  and  mil 
itary  skill  of  the  writers  enabled  them  to  pre 
sent. 

Moved  by  the  earnest  solicitations  of  Wash 
ington,  Congress  at  the  same  time  took  the 
subject  into  consideration.  Their  debates  fi 
nally  terminated  in  the  appointment  of  a  com 
mittee  of  five  members  of  their  body,  who 
were  instructed  to  repair  to  the  camp  at  Valley 
Forge,  and  invested  with  ample  powers  to  con 
fer  with  the  Commander,  and  digest  in  concert 
with  him  such  a  system  as  would  correct  ex 
isting  abuses,  lead  to  salutary  reforms,  and  put 
the  army  on  the  footing  he  desired.  When 
the  committee  arrived  in  camp,  he  laid  before 
them  a  memoir,  drawn  up  with  great  care,  rep 
resenting  in  detail  the  defects  of  previous  ar 
rangements,  and  containing  an  outline  of  a 
new  and  improved  system.  The  committee 
continued  in  camp  three  months,  and  then  re 
turned  to  Congress  and  presented  a  report, 
which  was  in  the  main  adopted. 


22  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

On  one  point,  however,  which  Washington 
considered  not  more  equitable  in  itself,  than 
essential  to  the  continuance  of  an  army,  there 
was  great  difference  of  opinion  among  the 
members  of  Congress.  Hitherto  there  had 
been  no  provision  made  for  the  officers  after 
the  war  should  .end,  and  no  other  inducement 
offered  to  them  than  their  common  wages 
while  in  actual  service.  Numerous  complaints 
and  resignations  convinced  Washington,  that 
this  motive,  even  when  strengthened  by  am 
bition  and  patriotism,  was  not  enough.  He 
proposed  half-pay  for  life,  after  the  close  of  the 
war,  or  some  other  permanent  provision. 

"  If  my  opinion  be  asked,"  said  he  in  a  let 
ter  to  Congress,  "  with  respect  to  the  necessity 
of  making  this  provision  for  the  officers,  I  am 
ready  to  declare,  that  I  do  most  religiously 
believe  the  salvation  of  the  cause  depends  up 
on  it,  and,  without  it,  your  officers  will  moul 
der  to  nothing,  or  be  composed  of  low  and  il 
literate  men,  void  of  capacity  for  this  or  any 
other  business.  To  prove  this,  I  can  with 
truth  aver,  that  scarce  a  day  passes  without 
the  offer  of  two  or  three  commissions ;  and 
my  advices  from  the  eastward  and  southward 
are,  that  numbers  who  had  gone  home  on  fur 
lough  mean  not  to  return,  but  are  establishing 
themselves  in  more  lucrative  employments. 


JET.4G.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  23 

Let  Congress  determine  what  will  be  the  con 
sequence  of  this  spirit. 

"  Personally,  as  an  officer,  I  have  no  inter 
est  in  their  decision,  because  I  have  declared, 
and  I  now  repeat  it,  that  I  never  will  receive 
the  smallest  benefit  from  the  half-pay  estab 
lishment  ;  but,  as  a  man  who  fights  under  the 
weight  of  proscription,  and  as  a  citizen,  who 
wishes  to  see  the  liberty  of  his  country  es 
tablished  upon  a  permanent  foundation,  and 
whose  property  depends  upon  the  success  of 
our  arms,  I  am  deeply  interested.  But,  all 
this  apart,  and  justice  out  of  the  question,  up 
on  the  single  ground  of  economy  and  public 
saving,  I  will  maintain  the  utility  of  it ;  for  I 
have  not  the  least  doubt,  that,  until  officers 
consider  their  commissions  in  an  honorable  and 
interested  point  of  view,  and  are  afraid  to  en 
danger  them  by  negligence  and  inattention,  no 
order,  regularity,  or  care,  either  of  the  men  or 
public  property,  will  prevail." 

These  representations,  so  judicious  and  for 
cible,  could  not  fail  to  have  some  influence 
even  on  the  minds  of  those,  who  were  the 
most  decided  in  their  hostility  to  the  measure. 
But  they  did  not  produce  entire  conviction, 
and  the  subject  met  with  difficulties  and  de 
lays.  One  party  thought,  or  professed  to  think, 
that  Congress  had  no  power  to  act  in  such  a 


24  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

matter,  and  proposed  to  refer  it  to  the  State 
legislatures ;  another  was  haunted  with  the 
fear  of  a  standing  army,  a  privileged  class,  and 
a  pension  list ;  and  another  could  see  no  dif 
ference  between  the  sacrifices  of  the  officers, 
in  defending  their  country,  and  of  private  cit 
izens,  whose  property  was  plundered,  ravaged, 
and  destroyed  by  the  enemy.  After  much 
discussion,  the  plan  of  half-pay  for  life  was 
carried,  but  by  so  small  a  majority  that  the 
vote  was  reconsidered,  and  a  compromise  was 
effected.  By  the  ultimate  decision,  the  offi 
cers  were  to  receive  half-pay  for  the  term  of 
seven  years,  and  a  gratuity  of  eighty  dollars 
was  to  be  given  to  each  non-commissioned 
officer  and  soldier,  who  should  continue  in  the 
service  to  the  end  of  the  war. 

While  this  subject  was  under  discussion, 
Washington  saw  with  deep  concern  the  jeal 
ousy  of  the  army,  which  was  manifested  in 
Congress,  and  its  unhappy  influence  on  their 
deliberations.  In  other  countries  this  preju 
dice  exists  against  standing  armies  only  in 
times  of  peace,  and  this  because  the  troops  are 
a  distinct  body  from  the  citizens,  having  few 
interests  in  common  with  them,  and  little  oth 
er  means  of  support  than  what  flows  from 
their  military  employment.  But  "it  is  our 
policy,"  said  he,  "to  be  prejudiced  against 


/£T.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  25 

them  in  time  of  war,  though  they  are  citizens, 
having  all  the  ties  and  interests  of  citizens, 
and  in  most  cases  property  totally  unconnected 
with  the  military  line."  So  heavily  did  this 
subject  weigh  upon  his  mind,  that  he  unbur 
dened  himself  freely  in  a  letter  to  a  member 
of  Congress,  and  used  all  his  endeavors  to 
promote  harmony,  union,  and  a  national  feel 
ing  among  those  on  whom  the  safety  of  the 
republic  depended,  whether  acting  in  a  civil 
or  military  capacity. 

"  If  we  would  pursue  a  right  system  of  pol 
icy,"  he  observed,  "in  my  opinion,  there 
should  be  none  of  these  distinctions.  We 
should  all,  Congress  and  army,  be  considered 
as  one  people,  embarked  in  one  cause,  in  one 
interest;  acting  on  the  same  principle,  and  to 
the  same  end.  The  distinction,  the  jealousies 
set  up,  or  perhaps  only  incautiously  let  out, 
can  answer  not  a  single  good  purpose.  They 
are  impolitic  in  the  extreme.  Among  individ 
uals  the  most  certain  way  to  make  a  man  your 
enemy  is  to  tell  him  you  esteem  him  such. 
So  with  public  bodies ;  and  the  very  jealousy, 
which  the  narrow  politics  of  some  may  affect 
to  entertain  of  the  army,  in  order  to  a  due 
subordination  to  the  supreme  civil  authority,  is 
a  likely  means  to  produce  a  contrary  effect ; 
to  incline  it  to  the  pursuit  of  those  measures. 


26  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

which  they  may  wish  it  to  avoid.  It  is  un 
just,  because  no  order  of  men  in  the  Thirteen 
States  has  paid  a  more  sacred  regard  to  the  pro 
ceedings  of  Congress  than  the  army  ;  for  with 
out  arrogance  or  the  smallest  deviation  from 
truth  it  may  be  said,  that  no  history  now  ex 
tant  can  furnish  an  instance  of  an  army's  suf 
fering  such  uncommon  hardships  as  ours  has 
done,  and  bearing  them  with  the  same  patience 
and  fortitude.  To  see  men,  without  clothes  to 
cover  their  nakedness,  without  blankets  to  lie 
on,  without  shoes  (for  the  want  of  which  their 
marches  might  be  traced  by  the  blood  from 
their  feet),  and  almost  as  often  without  pro 
visions  as  with  them,  marching  through  the 
frost  and  snow,  and  at  Christmas  taking  up 
their  winter  quarters  within  a  day's  march  of 
the  enemy,  without  a  house  or  hut  to  cover 
them  till  they  could  be  built,  and  submitting 
without  a  murmur,  is  a  proof  of  patience  and 
obedience,  which  in  my  opinion  can  scarce  be 
paralleled." 

Bound  by  strong  ties  of  attachment  to  the 
army,  on  the  good  or  ill  fortunes  of  which  his 
own  reputation  so  much  depended,  he  spared 
no  efforts  to  redress  its  grievances,  maintain  its 
rights,  and  mitigate  its  sufferings  ;  but  he  was 
prompt  and  inflexible  in  checking  the  least 
disposition  to  encroach  on  the  civil  power,  or 


jE-r.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  27 

to  claim  privileges,  however  reasonable  in 
themselves,  which  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  the  country  rendered  it  hazardous  or  inex 
pedient  to  grant.  Considering  the  materials 
of  the  army,  composed  of  freemen  brought  to 
gether  and  held  together  almost  without  the 
aid  of  law  or  of  authority  in  any  supreme 
head,  unaccustomed  to  a  soldier's  life,  impa 
tient  under  discipline,  and  constantly  exposed 
.to  extraordinary  privations  and  distresses,  it 
may  truly  be  said,  that  no  commander  ever 
had  a  more  difficult  task  to  perform  in  dis 
charging  the  duties  of  his  station ;  and  this  in 
addition  to  the  labor  and  responsibility  of  sug 
gesting  to  Congress  the  important  measures, 
which  they  were  to  adopt  in  regard  to  milita 
ry  affairs,  the  vexation  of  seeing  his  plans 
thwarted  by  prejudice  and  party  dissensions, 
and  the  anxiety  he  never  ceased  to  feel  on  ac 
count  of  the  divided  counsels,  apathy,  antipa 
thies,  and  local  predilections,  which  were  man 
ifested  both  in  Congress  and  in  the  State  leg 
islatures. 

About  the  middle  of  April  arrived  in  New 
York  a  draft  of  what  were  called  Lord  North's 
Conciliatory  Bills,  containing  a  new  project, 
by  him  submitted  to  Parliament,  for  settling 
the  differences  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States.  This  movement  was  prompt- 


28  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

ed  by  the  apprehension,  that  France  would 
soon  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the 
latter,  and  join  in  the  war  against  England. 
Governor  Tryon,  to  whom  the  draft  of  the 
bills  was  sent,  had  it  immediately  reprinted  in 
New  York,  and  took  measures  to  disperse 
copies  of  it  as  extensively  as  possible  in  the 
country,  which,  he  said,  was  done  in  obedience 
to  "  his  Majesty's  command."  Copies  were 
enclosed  by  him  to  General  Washington,  with 
a  polite  request  that  he  would  aid  in  circulat 
ing  them,  "  that  the  people  at  large  might  be 
acquainted  with  the  favorable  disposition  of 
Great  Britain  towards  the  American  colonies." 
Washington  sent  them  to  Congress. 

As  to  the  tenor  of  the  bills,  it  is  enough  to 
say,  that  the  terms  held  out  were  such  as 
would  undoubtedly  have  been  accepted  in  the 
first  stages  of  the  controversy.  Important 
changes  had  since  occurred.  The  Americans 
had  declared  themselves  an  independent  na 
tion.  They  had  shed  their  blood,  expended 
their  means,  and  endured  the  miseries  of  a 
three  years'  war,  in  defence  of  the  rights  they 
claimed,  and  the  character  they  had  assumed. 
It  was  no  part  of  the  British  ministry's  plan 
to  treat  with  the  American  States  as  an  inde 
pendent  power.  They  were  to  go  back  to 
their  old  condition  as  colonies,  be  favored  with 


JEr.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  29 

certain  privileges,  and,  relieved  from  the  bur 
den  of  self-government,  to  trust  their  liberties 
again  to  the  parental  guardianship  of  the  moth 
er  country.  Till  the  remembrance  of  the  past 
should  be  obliterated,  these  proffers  were  not 
likely  to  gain  the  confidence  or  change  the 
sentiments  of  those,  who  had  taken  the  lead 
in  opposition  after  a  thorough  knowledge  of 
the  causes,  and  of  the  grounds  on  which  they 
stood,  and  who  had  already  risked  much  and 
labored  hard  to  secure  the  political  existence 
and  prosperity  of  their  country,  by  establish 
ing  them  on  the  firm  basis  of  union  and  free 
dom. 

Yet  it  was  feared  there  were  some,  who, 
weary  of  the  war,  or  disheartened  at  the  pros 
pect  of  its  continuance,  might  be  soothed  with 
the  voice  of  conciliation,  and  thus  become 
cold  supporters  of  the  popular  cause,  if  not  de 
cided  advocates  for  peace  on  the  terms  pro 
posed.  To  prevent  this  consequence,  as  far  as 
the  weight  of  his  judgment  would  go,  Wash 
ington  expressed  his  own  opinions  in  very  de 
cided  language  to  a  member  of  Congress  only 
two  days  after  he  learned  the  contents  of  the 
conciliatory  bills.  "Nothing  short  of  inde 
pendence,  it  appears  to  me,  can  possibly  do. 
A  peace  on  other  terms  would,  if  I  may  be 
allowed  the  expression,  be  a  peace  of  war. 


30  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

The  injuries  we  have  received  from  the  British 
nation  were  so  unprovoked,  and  have  been  so 
great  and  so  many,  that  they  can  never  be  for 
gotten.  Besides  the  feuds,  the  jealousies,  the 
animosities,  that  would  ever  attend  a  union 
with  them  ;  besides  the  importance,  the  advan 
tages,  which  we  should  derive  from  an  unre 
stricted  commerce ;  our  fidelity  as  a  people, 
our  gratitude,  our  character  as  men,  are  opposed 
to  a  coalition  with  them  as  subjects,  but  in 
case  of  the  last  extremity.  Were  we  easily  to 
accede  to  terms  of  dependence,  no  nation,  upon 
future  occasions,  let  the  oppressions  of  Britain 
be  ever  so  flagrant  and  unjust,  would  interpose 
for  our  relief;  or,  at  most,  they  would  do  it 
with  a  cautious  reluctance,  and  upon  conditions 
most  probably  that  would  be  hard,  if  not  dis 
honorable  to  us."  Fortunately,  the  subject 
appeared  in  the  same  light  to  Congress.  As 
soon  as  the  drafts  of  Lord  North's  bills  were 
received,  they  were  referred  to  a  committee  ; 
upon  whose  report  a  short  discussion  ensued  ; 
and  it  was  unanimously  resolved,  that  the 
terms  offered  were  totally  inadequate,  and  that 
no  advances  on  the  part  of  the  British  govern 
ment  for  a  peace  would  be  met,  unless,  as  a 
preliminary  step,  they  either  withdrew  their 
armies  and  fleets,  or  acknowledged  unequivo 
cally  the  independence  of  the  United  States. 


^Ex.46.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  31 

At  the  same  time  the  bills  were  published  in 
connexion  with  the  proceedings  of  Congress, 
and  circulated  throughout  the  country. 

The  three  commissioners.  Lord  Carlisle, 
Governor  Johnstone,  and  William  Eden,  sent 
over  from  England  to  negotiate  the  business 
of  conciliation,  did  not  arrive  in  Philadelphia 
till  six  weeks  after  the  drafts  of  the  bills  were 
published  by  Governor  Tryon.  Two  of  the 
commissioners,  Johnstone  and  Eden,  were  the 
bearers  of  private  letters  of  introduction  to 
General  Washington  from  his  friends  in  Eng 
land,  and  also  of  many  other  letters  to  gentle 
men  of  high  political  standing.  To  all  ap 
pearance  the  olive  branch  was  fairly  held  out. 
The  secretary  to  the  commission  was  Dr.  Fer 
guson,  the  celebrated  professor  of  moral  philos 
ophy  in  Edinburgh.  On  the  first  landing  of 
the  commissioners,  they  despatched  their  letters 
to  Washington's  camp,  and  requested  a  pass 
port  for  Dr.  Ferguson  to  go  to  Yorktown, 
where  Congress  was  then  sitting,  and  present 
in  person  the  papers  they  had  brought.  This 
matter  being  wholly  of  a  civil  nature,  he  did 
not  think  himself  authorized  to  give  such  a 
passport,  without  the  direction  of  Congress, 
and  he  forwarded  to  them  the  application.  Im 
patient  at  the  delay,  or  fearing  a  positive  re 
fusal  from  Congress  to  receive  the  papers,  the 


32  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

commissioners  immediately  sent  them  through 
the  usual  medium  of  a  flag  to  the  President. 
The  reception  they  met  with  may  be  imagined 
from  the  manner  in  which  Lord  North's  bills 
had  been  disposed  of.  The  door  to  any  kind 
of  compromise  on  the  principles  laid  down  in 
those  bills  had  been  effectually  closed,  and 
Congress  adhered  to  their  first  resolution.  The 
commissioners  remained  several  months  in  the 
country,  made  various  attempts  to  gain  their 
object,  as  well  by  art  and  address  as  by  official 
intercourse,  and  at  last  went  back  to  England 
baffled  and  disappointed,  if  indeed  they  ever 
had  any  real  hope  of  success,  which  may  be 
doubted. 


.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  33 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Arrival  of  the  French  Treaties  of  Alliance  and  Commerce.  — 
Comparative  Strength  of  the  British  and  American  Armies. — 
Discussions  respecting  an  Attack  on  Philadelphia.  —  Plans  of 
the  Enemy.  —  Evacuation  of  Philadelphia.  — The  Army  crosses 
the  Delaware.  —  Battle  of  Monmouth.  —  Arrest  and  Trial  of 
General  Lee. 

MEANTIME  an  important  event  occurred, 
which  diffused  universal  joy  in  America. 
The  King  of  France  recognised  the  indepen 
dence  of  the  United  States  in  a  formal  treaty 
of  amity  and  commerce,  and  in  a  treaty  of  de 
fensive  alliance,  both  signed  in  Paris  on  the 
6th  of  February,  by  M.  Gerard  on  the  part  of 
France,  and  by  the  American  commissioners, 
Franklin,  Deane,  and  Lee.  It  was  of  course 
expected,  that  this  procedure  would  bring  on 
a  war  between  England  and  France,  and  the 
parties  mutually  agreed  not  to  lay  down  their 
arms  till  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  should  be  assured  by  a  treaty  at  the  ter 
mination  of  the  war.  The  messenger,  who 
brought  the  news  of  this  auspicious  event,  and 
who  was  likewise  the  bearer  of  the  treaties, 
arrived  in  Yorktown  on  the  2d  of  May,  ten 
days  after  Congress  had  passed  their  resolves 
respecting  Lord  North's  bills.  This  last  fact 

VOL.   II.  3 


34  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

is  worthy  of  remark,  as  it  shows  that  the  trans 
actions  in  France,  being  then  unknown,  had 
no  influence  in  producing  those  resolves.  The 
treaties  were  immediately  ratified  hy  Congress. 
The  army  participated  in  the  rejoicings  ev 
erywhere  manifested  on  this  occasion.  A  day 
was  set  apart  for  a  public  celebration  in  camp. 
It  began  in  the  morning  with  religious  services, 
and  a  discourse  to  each  of  the  brigades  by  one 
of  its  chaplains.  Then  followed  military  pa 
rades,  marchings,  and  firings  of  cannon  and 
musketry,  according  to  a  plan  announced  in 
the  general  orders.  The  appearance  was  bril 
liant  and  the  effect  imposing.  The  whole  cer 
emony  was  conducted  with  perfect  regularity, 
and  was  closed  with  an  entertainment,  patri 
otic  toasts,  music,  and  other  demonstrations  of 

j°y- 

The  British  kept  possession  of  Philadelphia 
through  the  winter  and  the  spring  following  ; 
and,  although  Washington's  camp  was  within 
twenty  miles  of  the  city,  yet  no  enterprise  was 
undertaken  to  molest  him  in  his  quarters. 
Foraging  parties  went  out  and  committed  dep 
redations  upon  the  inhabitants ;  but  they  were 
watched  by  the  Americans,  who  sometimes 
met  them  in  fierce  and  bloody  rencounters. 
When  it  .was  told  to  Dr.  Franklin  in  Paris, 
that  General  Howe  had  taken  Philadelphia,  he 


^Er.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  35 

sagaciously  replied ;  "  Say  rather,  that  Phila 
delphia  has  taken  General  Howe."  This  pre 
diction,  if  such  it  may  be  called,  was  verified 
in  the  end.  The  conquest  gained  at  the  ex 
pense  of  a  campaign,  and  with  a  considerable 
loss  of  men,  actually  availed  nothing.  Phila 
delphia,  fortified  on  the  land  side  and  guard 
ed  by  a  formidable  fleet  in  the  river,  afforded 
to  the  British  army  a  resting-place  for  eight 
months.  This  was  the  whole  fruit  of  the 
bloodshed  and  victory.  New  York  would 
have  afforded  the  same,  without  the  trouble  of 
a  campaign,  and  at  much  less  cost. 

The  number  of  troops  for  the  Continental 
army,  according  to  the  new  establishment 
agreed  upon  by  the  committee  of  Congress  at 
Valley  Forge,  was  to  be  about  forty  thousand 
besides  artillery  and  horse.  When  a  council 
of  war  was  called,  on  the  8th  of  May,  to  con 
sider  what  measures  should  be  adopted  for  fu 
ture  operations,  it  was  found,  that  the  army, 
including  the  detachments  on  the  North  River 
and  at  other  places,  did  not  then  exceed  fifteen 
thousand  men,  nor  was  it  supposed  that  it 
could  soon  be  raised  higher  than  twenty  thou 
sand  effective  men.  The  number  at  Valley 
Forge  was  eleven  thousand  eight  hundred. 
The  British  army  in  New  York  and  Philadel 
phia,  as  since  ascertained  from  the  adjutant's 


36  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

returns,  amounted  to  nearly  thirty  thousand, 
of  which  number  nineteen  thousand  five  hun 
dred  were  in  Philadelphia,  and  ten  thousand 
four  hundred  in  New  York.  There  were  be 
sides  three  thousand  seven  hundred  in  Rhode 
Island  ;  making  the  whole  British  army  in  the 
middle  and  eastern  States  upwards  of  thirty- 
three  thousand. 

These  numbers  are  much  larger  than  was 
imagined  by  the  council  of  war.  They  esti 
mated  the  enemy's  force  in  Philadelphia  at  ten 
thousand,  in  New  York  at  four  thousand,  and 
in  Rhode  Island  at  two  thousand,  besides  cav 
alry  and  artillery.  Upon  this  basis  the  ques 
tion  was  discussed,  whether  it  was  expedient 
to  take  the  field  and  act  on  the  defensive,  or 
wait  till  the  plans  of  the  enemy  should  become 
more  obvious,  and  then  be  guided  by  circum 
stances.  There  was  great  unanimity  in  the 
decision.  To  take  the  city  by  storm  was  im 
practicable  without  a  vastly  superior  force  ; 
and  equally  so  to  carry  it  by  siege  or  block 
ade,  strongly  fortified  as  it  was  by  nature  and 
artificial  works,  and  by  vessels  of  war.  Mili 
tia  might  be  called  out,  but  it  was  uncertain  in 
what  numbers ;  and,  however  numerous,  they 
could  not  be  depended  on  for  such  an  enter 
prise.  In  every  view  of  the  subject,  there- 


JE-T.  4£.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  37 

fore,  weighty  objections  presented  themselves 
against  any  scheme  of  offensive  operations. 

It  was  not  long  before  affairs  began  to  put 
on  a  new  aspect.  From  the  intelligence  com 
municated  by  spies,  and  from  various  indica 
tions;  it  was  suspected,  that  the  enemy  were 
preparing  to  evacuate  Philadelphia.  Sir  Wil 
liam  Howe,  weary  of  a  service  in  which  he 
found  himself  gradually  losing  the  confidence 
of  his  employers  and  supplying  his  enemies 
with  weapons  to  assail  his  reputation,  and 
thinking  his  honors  dearly  bought  at  such  a 
price,  had  asked  to  be  recalled,  and  his  request 
was  granted  by  the  King.  He  was  succeeded, 
in  the  command  of  his  Majesty's  forces  in 
America,  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who  had  been 
made  knight  of  the  order  of  the  Bath  during 
the  past  year.  The  treaties  between  France 
and  the  United  States  were  regarded  by  the 
court  of  Great  Britain  as  a  declaration  of  war 
on  the  part  of  France,  and  caused  a  change  in 
the  plans  of  the  ministry  for  conducting  the 
contest  in  America.  It  was  resolved  to  make 
a  sudden  descent  upon  some  of  the  French 
possessions  in  the  West  Indies.  To  aid  in  ex 
ecuting  this  project,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was 
ordered  to  send  five  thousand  men  from  his 
army  ;  and  also  three  thousand  more  to  Flori 
da  ;  and  to  withdraw  the  remainder  to  New 


38  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

York.  Another  reason  for  this  last  movement 
was  the  probability,  that  a  French  fleet  would 
soon  appear  at  the  mouth  of  the  Delaware,  and 
thus  blockade  the  shipping  in  that  river,  and 
put  in  jeopardy  the  army,  diminished  as  it 
would  be  by  the  departure  of  the  above  de 
tachments. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  first  intended  to  proceed 
by  water  with  his  whole  army  to  New  York  ; 
but  this  was  found  impracticable  for  want  of 
transports.  He  therefore  shipped  his  cavalry, 
part  of  the  German  troops,  the  American  loy 
alists,  his  provision  train  and  heavy  baggage, 
on  board  such  vessels  as  were  in  the  river,  and 
prepared  to  march  through  New  Jersey  with 
the  main  body  of  his  army. 

While  these  preparations  were  making  with 
as  much  secrecy  as  possible  by  the  British 
commander,  Washington  sent  out  from  Valley 
Forge  a  detachment  of  two  thousand  men  un 
der  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  the  object  of 
which  was  to  cover  the  country  between  the 
Delaware  and  Schuylkill,  to  interrupt  the  com 
munication  with  Philadelphia,  to  obstruct  the 
incursions  of  the  enemy's  parties,  and  gain  in 
telligence  of  their  motions  and  designs.  La 
fayette  marched  to  Barren  Hill,  and,  while 
stationed  there,  a  large  part  of  the  British  army 
came  out  by  a  forced  march  in  the  night,  with 


J£T.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  39 

the  intention  of  attacking  him  by  surprise,  and 
cutting  off  his  detachment.  Owing  to  the 
negligence,  disobedience,  or  treachery  of  a 
picket  guard,  Lafayette  was  nearly  surrounded 
by  the  enemy  before  he  was  informed  of  their 
approach ;  but,  by  a  very  skilful  manoeuvre, 
quickly  conceived  and  performed  in  a  masterly 
manner,  he  gained  a  ford  and  drew  off  his 
whole  detachment  across  the  Schuylkill,  with 
the  loss  of  only  nine  men  killed  and  taken. 
The  enemy  retreated  to  Philadelphia. 

To  obstruct  the  progress  of  the  British 
troops,  in  case  they  should  take  the  route  over 
land  to  New  York,  General  Maxwell  was  or 
dered  to  cross  the  Delaware  with  a  brigade, 
and  to  act  in  concert  with  General  Dickinson, 
who  commanded  the  New  Jersey  militia.  It 
being  more  and  more  evident,  that  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  was  preparing  to  move  by  land,  the 
opinion  of  the  general  officers  was  required,  as 
to  the  operations  in  consequence  of  that  event. 
The  principal  point  to  be  considered  was, 
whether  the  army  should  pursue  the  British, 
fall  upon  their  rear,  and  bring  on  an  engage 
ment.  Opinions  were  various  :  but  nearly  all 
the  officers  were  opposed  to  an  attack,  on  ac 
count  of  the  superiority  of  the  enemy  in  force 
and  discipline.  General  Lee,  who  had  been 
exchanged,  and  had  recently  joined  the  army, 


40  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

argued  vehemently  against  such  a  step.  Some 
of  the  officers  agreed  with  him ;  others,  who 
were  unwilling  to  advise  a  general  action, 
thought  that  the  enemy  should  at  any  rate  be 
harassed  in  their  march,  and  that  an  engage 
ment,  though  not  to  be  sought,  should  not  be 
avoided  if  circumstances  rendered  it  expedient. 
The  news  of  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia, 
which  took  place  in  the  morning  of  the  18th 
of  June,  was  received  while  the  subject  was 
still  under  discussion.  General  Arnold,  who 
had  not  yet  entirely  recovered  from  the  wound 
he  received  at  Saratoga,  was  ordered  to  march 
with  a  small  detachment  into  the  city,  and  to 
retain  the  command  there.  General  Lee  and 
General  Wayne,  each  at  the  head  of  a  division, 
took  the  road  to  Coryell's  Ferry,  with  orders 
to  halt  on  the  first  strong  ground  after  passing 
the  river.  Washington  followed,  and  in  six 
days  the  whole  army  had  crossed  the  Dela 
ware,  and  arrived  at  Hopewell,  five  miles  from 
Princeton.  Detachments  in  the  mean  time 
had  been  sent  to  impede  the  enemy's  march. 
Morgan's  corps  of  six  hundred  men  was  order 
ed  to  gain  their  right  flank,  Maxwell's  brig 
ade  to  hang  on  their  left,  and  General  Scott, 
with  fifteen  hundred  chosen  troops,  to  gall  their 
left  flank  and  rear.  To  these  were  joined  the 
New  Jersey  militia  under  General  Dickinson, 


jEx.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  41 

and  a  party  of  volunteers  from  Pennsylvania 
commanded  by  General  Cadwalader. 

After  the  British  had  crossed  the  river  and 
landed  at  Gloucester  Point,  they  marched  by 
the  way  of  Haddonfield  and  Mount  Holly,  and 
moved  on  slowly  till  they  came  to  Cross  wicks 
and  Allen  Town.  Being  encumbered  with  a 
long  train  of  wagons  and  bat-horses,  and  con 
fined  to  a  single  road,  their  line  extended  near 
ly  twelve  miles.  It  was  necessary,  also,  to 
stop  and  build  bridges  over  every  stream  and 
the  marshy  ground,  as  the  bridges  had  all  been 
destroyed  by  the  Americans.  These  interrup 
tions  retarded  their  progress.  Nor  was  it  till 
he  reached  Allen  Town,  that  Sir  Henry  Clin 
ton  decided  what  direction  he  should  take  from 
that  place.  It  was  his  first  purpose  to  proceed  to 
the  Rariton,  and  embark  his  troops  at  Brtmswic 
or  South  Amboy  for  New  York.  But,  finding 
Washington  almost  in  his  front,  and  deeming 
it  imprudent  to  hazard  a  battle  while  his  army 
was  so  much  encumbered,  and  on  such  ground 
as  his  antagonist  might  choose,  he  turned  to 
the  right,  and  took  the  road  leading  to  Mon- 
mouth  and  Sandy  Hook. 

At  this  time  Washington's  army  had  ad 
vanced  to  Kingston.  In  a  council  of  war, 
convened  at  Hopewell,  the  question  was  again 
discussed,  as  to  the  mode  of  attacking  the  en- 


42  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

emy.  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  force  was  supposed 
to  consist  of  nine  or  ten  thousand  effective 
men.  The  Continental  troops  under  Washing 
ton  amounted  to  a  little  over  twelve  thousand  ; 
and  there  were  about  thirteen  hundred  militia. 
General  Lee  still  persisted  in  the  same  senti 
ments  as  at  first ;  and,  as  he  was  now  next  in 
rank  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  and  an  officer 
of  long  experience,  his  opinions  and  arguments 
had  great  weight  in  the  council.  He  seemed 
averse  to  any  kind  of  interference  with  the 
enemy ;  but  he  acceded  to  a  proposal,  in 
which  he  was  joined  by  five  others,  that  fif 
teen  hundred  men  should  be  sent  to  hang  on 
their  rear.  Six  general  officers,  namely,  Greene, 
Lafayette,  Steuben,  Wayne,  Duportail,  and 
Paterson,  were  for  sending  twenty-five  hun 
dred  men.  or  at  least  two  thousand,  which 
should  be  followed  by  the  main  army  at  such 
a  distance  as  to  afford  support,  if  it  should  be 
necessary.  It  was  clearly  the  wish  of  these 
officers  to  draw  the  enemy  into  a  general  en 
gagement,  if  it  could  be  done  under  favorable 
circumstances.  Indeed  Greene,  Lafayette,  and 
Wayne  declared  their  sentiments  to  this  effect 
in  writing. 

Thus  embarrassed  with  the  divided  opinions 
of  his  officers,  Washington  had  a  delicate  part 
to  act.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  however,  that 


J£T.  46.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  43 

his  own  judgment  strongly  inclined  him  to 
seek  an  engagement,  from  the  time  he  left 
Valley  Forge.  The  reputation  of  the  army, 
and  the  expectation  of  the  country,  in  his 
view  required  it ;  and  he  believed  the  chances 
of  success  at  least  sufficient  to  authorize  the 
attempt.  After  the  council  at  Hopewell,  there 
fore,  he  asked  no  further  advice,  but  proceeded 
on  his  individual  responsibility.  He  immedi 
ately  ordered  a  detachment  of  one  thousand 
men  under  General  Wayne  to  join  the  troops 
already  near  the  enemy,  and  gave  to  General 
Lafayette  the  command  of  all  the  advanced 
parties,  amounting  now  to  about  three  thou 
sand  eight  hundred  men,  including  militia. 

In  his  instructions  to  Lafayette  he  said  • 
"  You  are  to  use  the  most  effectual  means  for 
gaining  the  enemy's  left  flank,  and  giving 
every  degree  of  annoyance.  For  these  pur 
poses  you  will  attack  them  as  occasion  may 
require  by  detachment,  and,  if  a  proper  open 
ing  should  be  given,  by  operating  against 
them  with  your  whole  command."  Foresee 
ing  that  these  orders,  executed  with  the  spirit 
and  ardor  which  characterized  Lafayette,  would 
soon  lead  to  an  action  with  a  large  part  of  the 
enemy's  force,  Washington  prepared  to  sus 
tain  the  advanced  division,  keeping  within  a 
distance  proper  for  that  purpose. 


44  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

General  Lee's  seniority  of  rank  entitled  him 
to  the  command  of  all  the  advanced  detach 
ments  ;  but,  disapproving  the  plans  of  the 
Commander-in-chief  and  believing  they  would 
fail,  he  voluntarily  yielded  his  claims  to  La 
fayette.  After  this  arrangement  had  been 
made  with  Washington's  consent,  and  Lafa 
yette  had  marched  towards  the  enemy,  Lee 
changed  his  mind  and  applied  to  be  reinstated. 
As  Lafayette  could  not  with  any  degree  of 
justice  or  propriety  be  recalled,  Washington 
resorted  to  an  expedient,  which  he  hoped 
would  preserve  harmony,  although  it  might 
not  be  entirely  satisfactory  to  either  of  the 
parties.  He  put  Lee  at  the  head  of  two  addi 
tional  brigades,  with  orders  to  join  the  advanc 
ed  detachments,  when  he  would  of  course 
have  the  command  of  the  whole ;  but  direct 
ed  him  at  the  same  time  to  give  Lafayette 
notice  of  his  approach,  and  to  afford  him  all 
the  assistance  in  his  power  for  prosecuting  any 
enterprise,  which  he  might  already  have  un 
dertaken  or  planned.  He  wrote  also  to  La 
fayette,  explaining  the  dilemma  into  which  he 
was  thrown  by  the  vacillating  conduct  of 
General  Lee,  and  expressing  a  conviction  that 
he  would  cheerfully  acquiesce  in  a  measure, 
which  the  exigency  of  the  occasion  rendered 
necessary. 


JE.T.4G.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  45 

While  the  main  army  moved  forward  to 
Cranberry,  and  the  advanced  parties  were  hov 
ering  around  the  enemy's  flanks  and  rear,  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  changed  the  disposition  of  his 
line,  placing  the  baggage  train  in  front,  and 
his  best  troops  in  the  rear.  With  his  army 
thus  arranged,  he  encamped  in  a  strong  posi 
tion  near  Moumouth  Court-House,  secured  on 
nearly  all  sides  by  woods  and  marshy  grounds. 
This  was  his  situation  on  the  morning  of  the 
28th  of  June.  Washington  was  at  this  time 
six  or  seven  miles  distant,  and,  receiving  intel 
ligence  at  five  o'clock,  that  the  enemy's  front 
had  begun  to  march,  he  instantly  put  the  army 
in  motion,  and  sent  orders  to  General  Lee  by 
one  of  his  aids  to  move  on  and  commence  the 
attack,  "  unless  there  should  be  very  powerful 
reasons  to  the  contrary,"  acquainting  him  at 
the  same  time,  that  he  should  come  up  as  soon 
as  possible  to  his  support. 

After  marching  about  five  miles,  he  was 
surprised  and  mortified  to  learn,  that  the  whole 
of  Lee's  division,  amounting  to  five  thousand 
men,  was  by  his  orders  retreating,  without 
having  made  any  opposition  except  one  fire 
from  a  party,  which  had  been  charged  by  the 
enemy's  cavalry.  The  situation  was  the  more 
critical  and  alarming,  as  General  Lee  had  giv 
en  no  notice  of  his  retreat,  but  was  marching 


46  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778, 

his  troops  into  the  face  of  the  rear  division, 
thus  running  the  hazard  of  throwing  all  parts 
of  the  army  into  confusion  at  the  moment 
when  the  enemy  were  pressing  upon  him  with 
unimpeded  force.  * 

Washington  rode  immediately  to  the  rear  of 
the  retreating  division,  where  he  found  General 
Lee,  and,  accosting  him  with  a  warmth  in  his 
language  and  manner,  which  showed  his  dis 
appointment  and  displeasure,  he  ordered  the 
troops  to  be  formed  and  brought  into  action. 
Lee  promptly  obeyed,  and  with  some  difficulty 
the  order  of  battle  was  restored  in  time  to 

*  Lee  had  manoeuvred  near  the  enemy  for  some  time 
with  the  apparent  intention  of  attacking  them.  While 
thus  engaged,  a  party  of  British  troops  moved  towards 
his  right  flank,  and  so  placed  itself  that  Lafayette  thought 
a  fair  opportunity  offered  for  cutting  it  off.  He  rode 
quickly  up  to  Lee,  and  asked  him  if  an  attack  could  not 
be  advantageously  made  in  that  quarter.  "  Sir,"  replied 
Lee,  "  you  do  not  know  British  soldiers  ;  we  cannot  stand 
against  them ;  we  shall  certainly  be  driven  back  at  first, 
and  we  must  be  cautious."  Lafayette  answered,  that  it 
might  be  so,  but  British  soldiers  had  been  beaten,  and  it 
was  to  be  presumed  they  might  be  beaten  again,  and  at 
any  rate  he  was  for  making  the  trial.  Soon  afterwards 
one  of  Washington's  aids  arrived  for  intelligence,  and,  as 
he  was  returning,  Lafayette  desired  him  to  say  to  the 
General,  that  his  presence  at  the  scene  of  action  was 
extremely  important.  Before  this  message  reached  him, 
the  retreat  had  begun. 


^T.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  47 

check  the  advance  of  the  enemy  before  the 
other  division  came  up. 

A  disposition  of  the  left  wing  and  second 
line  of  the  army  was  then  made  on  an  emi 
nence,  and  partly  in  a  wood,  covered  by  a  mo 
rass  in  front.  This  wing  was  commanded  by 
Lord  Stirling,  who  placed  some  batteries  of 
cannon  in  such  a  manner  as  to  play  upon  the 
enemy  with  great  effect,  and,  aided  by  parties 
of  infantry,  to  put  a  stop  to  their  advance  in 
that  direction.  General  Greene  commanded 
the  right  wing,  and  on  the  march  he  had  been 
ordered  to  file  off  and  take  a  road,  which  would 
bring  him  upon  the  enemy's  flank.  On  hear 
ing  of  the  retreat  he  marched  up  and  took  a 
very  advantageous  position  on  the  right.  Be 
ing  warmly  opposed  in  front,  the  enemy  at 
tempted  next  to  turn  the  American  left  flank, 
but  were  repulsed  and  driven  back  ;  and  a 
similar  movement  to  the  right  was  equally  un 
successful,  as  they  were  bravely  met  by  the 
troops  with  artillery  under  General  Greene. 
In  the  mean  time  General  Wayne  advanced 
with  a  body  of  infantry,  and  kept  up  so  hot 
and  well-directed  a  fire  upon  the  enemy's  front, 
that  they  retired  behind  a  marshy  ravine  to  the 
ground  which  they  had  occupied  at  the  begin 
ning  of  the  engagement. 

In  this  situation  both  their  flanks  were  se- 


48  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

cured  by  woods  and  morasses,  and  they  could 
be  approached  in  front  only  through  a  narrow 
pass.  Two  bodies  of  troops  were  ordered  to 
move  round  and  gain  their  right  and  left,  while 
the  artillery  should  gall  them  in  front.  Be 
fore  these  movements  could  be  effected,  night 
came  on  and  put  an  end  to  the  action.  In 
tending  to  renew  the  contest  in  the  morning, 
Washington  directed  all  the  troops  to  lie  upon 
their  arms  in  the  places  where  they  happened 
to  be  stationed  at  dark.  Wrapped  in  his  cloak, 
he  passed  the  night  on  the  field  of  battle  in 
the  midst  of  his  soldiers.  But,  when  the 
morning  dawned,  no  enemy  was  to  be  seen. 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  silently  withdrawn  his 
troops  during  the  night,  and  followed  his  bag 
gage  train  on  the  road  leading  to  Middletown. 
As  he  would  have  gained  commanding  ground, 
where  he  might  choose  his  own  position,  be 
fore  he  could  be  overtaken,  and  as  the  troops 
had  suffered  exceedingly  from  the  intense  heat 
of  the  weather  and  fatigue,  it  was  not  thought 
expedient  to  continue  the  pursuit. 

This  battle,  though  it  can  hardly  be  said  to 
have  resulted  in  a  victory,  was  nevertheless 
honorable  to  the  American  arms,  and,  after  the 
inauspicious  retreat  of  the  first  division,  was 
fought  with  skill  and  bravery.  It  was  proba 
bly  in  all  respects  as  successful  as  Washington 


^Ex.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  49 

had  hoped.  Congress  passed  a  unanimous  vote 
of  thanks  to  the  Commander  and  the  army. 

Four  British  officers  and  two  hundred  and 
forty-five  privates  were  left  dead  on  the  field, 
and  were  buried  by  the  Americans.  It  appear 
ed  that  others  were  likewise  buried  by  the  en 
emy,  making  the  whole  number  of  killed 
nearly  three  hundred.  The  American  loss 
was  sixty-nine  killed.  Several  soldiers  on  both 
sides  are  said  to  have  died  in  consequence  of 
the  extreme  heat  of  the  day,  and  it  is  probable 
that  the  number  of  Americans  reported  as 
killed  does  not  include  all  that  died  from  this 
cause. 

But  the  loss  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  battle 
made  but  a  small  part  of  the  diminution  of  his 
army  while  marching  through  Jersey.  One 
hundred  were  taken  prisoners,  and  more  than 
six  hundred  deserters  arrived  in  Philadelphia 
within  three  weeks  from  the  time  he  left  it, 
being  drawn  thither  chiefly  by  the  attachments 
they  had  formed  during  eight  months'  resi 
dence  in  the  city.  Others  also  escaped  into 
the  country  while  on  the  march ;  so  that  the 
army,  when  it  reached  New  York,  had  suffered 
a  reduction  of  at  least  twelve  hundred  men. 

After  the  action,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  proceed 
ed  to  Sandy  Hook,  where  Lord  Howe's  fleet, 
having  come  round  from  the  Delaware,  was  in 

VOL.   II.  4 


50  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

readiness  to  convey  the  troops  to  New  York. 
Washington  marched  to  Hudson's  River,  cross 
ed  at  King's  Ferry,  and  encamped  near  White 
Plains. 

The  pride  of  General  Lee  was  wounded  by 
the  language,  which  Washington  used  when 
he  met  him  retreating.  The  day  after  the  ac 
tion,  Lee  wrote  a  letter  to  Washington,  con 
taining  expressions,  which  no  officer  could 
with  propriety  address  to  his  superior.  This 
was  answered  in  a  tone,  that  rather  tended  to 
increase  than  soothe  his  irritation,  and  he  re 
plied  in  terms  still  more  offensive.  In  a  sub 
sequent  note,  written  the  same  day,  he  request 
ed  that  his  case  might  be  referred  to  a  court- 
martial.  He  was  accordingly  put  in  arrest, 
under  three  charges ;  first,  disobedience  of  or 
ders  in  not  attacking  the  enemy,  agreeably  to 
repeated  instructions ;  secondly,  misbehavior 
before  the  enemy,  in  making  an  unnecessary, 
disorderly,  and  shameful  retreat ;  thirdly,  dis 
respect  to  the  Commander-in-chief  in  two  let 
ters  written  after  the  action.  A  court-martial 
was  summoned,  which  sat  from  time  to  time 
for  three  weeks  while  the  army  was  on  its 
inarch  ;  and  finally  declared  their  opinion,  that 
General  Lee  was  guilty  of  all  the  charges,  and 
sentenced  him  to  be  suspended  from  all  com 
mand  in  the  army  of  the  United  States  for  the 


J£T.  4(5.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  51 

term  of  twelve  months.  In  the  written  opin 
ion  of  the  court,  the  second  charge  was  mod 
ified  by  omitting  the  word  "  shameful  "  ;  but 
in  all  other  respects  the  charges  were  allowed 
to  be  sustained  by  the  testimony.  Congress 
approved  the  sentence.  General  Lee  left  the 
army,  and  never  joined  it  again.  He  died  four 
years  afterwards  in  Philadelphia.  * 

*  Soon  after  General  Lee  rejoined  the  army  at  Valley 
Forge,  a  curious  incident  occurred.  By  an  order  of  Con 
gress,  General  Washington  was  required  to  administer 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  general  officers.  The  ma 
jor-generals  stood  around  Washington,  and  took  hold  of 
a  Bible  together  according  to  the  usual  custom;  but,  just 
as  he  began  to  administer  the  oath,  Lee  deliberately 
withdrew  his  hand  twice.  This  movement  was  so  singu 
lar,  and  was  performed  in  so  odd  a  manner,  that  the  offi 
cers  smiled,  and  Washington  inquired  the  meaning  of  his 
hesitancy.  Lee  replied,  "As  to  King  George,  I  am 
ready  enough  to  absolve  myself  from  all  allegiance  to  him, 
but  I  have  some  scruples  about  the  Prince  of  Wales." 
The  strangeness  of  this  reply  was  such,  that  the  officers 
burst  into  a  broad  laugh,  and  even  Washington  could  not 
refrain  from  a  smile.  The  ceremony  was  of  course  in 
terrupted.  It  was  renewed  as  soon  as  a  composure  was 
restored  proper  for  the  solemnity  of  the  occasion,  and 
Lee  took  the  oath  with  the  other  officers.  Connected 
with  the  subsequent  conduct  of  General  Lee,  this  inci 
dent  was  thought  by  some,  who  were  acquainted  with  it, 
to  have  a  deeper  meaning  than  at  first  appeared,  and  to 
indicate  a  less  ardent  and  fixed  patriotism  towards  the 
United  States,  than  was  consistent  with  the  rank  and 
professions  of  the  second  officer  in  the  command  of  the 
American  forces. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Arrival  of  the  French  Fleet  under  Count  d'Estaing.  —  Plans  for 
combined  Operations  between  the  Fleet  and  the  American  Ar 
my.  _  Failure  of  an  Attempt  against  the  Enemy  ^t  Rhode 
Island.  —  Cantonments  of  the  Army  for  the  Winter.  —  Exchange 
of  Prisoners.  —  Congress. —  Project  of  an  Expedition  to  Canada. 

BEFORE  the  army  crossed  the  Hudson,  Gen 
eral  Washington  heard  of  the  arrival  of  Count 
d'Estaing  on  the  coast  with  a  French  fleet, 
consisting  of  twelve  ships  of  the  line  and  four 
frigates.  The  admiral  touched  at  the  Capes 
of  the  Delaware,  where  he  was  informed  of 
the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia,  and,  after  de 
spatching  up  the  river  one  of  his  frigates,  on 
board  of  which  was  M.  Gerard,  the  first  min 
ister  from  France  to  the  United  States,  he 
sailed  for  Sandy  Hook.  No  time  was  lost  by 
General  Washington  in  sending  him  a  letter 
of  congratulation,  and  proposing  to  cooperate 
with  him  in  carrying  any  plans  into  execution, 
which  might  be  concerted  for  attacking  the 
enemy.  Colonel  Laurens,  one  of  his  aids-de 
camp,  was  the  bearer  of  this  letter,  to  whom 
the  Count  was  referred  for  such  information  as 
he  might  wish  to  obtain.  When  it  was  known 
that  the  fleet  had  arrived  at  the  Hook,  Colonel 


jET.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  53 

Hamilton,  another  confidential  aid,  was  sent 
on  board  accompanied  by  four  skilful  pilots, 
and  instructed  to  explain  the  General's  views 
fully  to  Count  d'Estaing. 

If  it  should  be  found  practicable  for  the 
French  vessels  to  pass  the  bar,  and  engage  the 
British  fleet  then  at  anchor  within  the  Hook, 
it  was  supposed  a  simultaneous  attack  on  the 
land  side  might  be  made  to  advantage ;  and 
indeed  not  without  a  prospect  of  very  fortu 
nate  results,  if  the  French  should  be  able  by 
a  naval  victory  to  enter  the  harbor  and  ascend 
to  the  city.  These  hopes  were  soon  dissipated 
by  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  pilots,  that 
there  was  not  sufficient  depth  of  water  to  ad 
mit  Count  d'Estaing's  heavy  ships  over  the 
bar,  and  by  their  refusal  to  take  the  responsi 
bility  of  attempting  to  conduct  them  through 
the  channel. 

The  only  enterprise,  that  now  remained, 
was  an  attack  on  the  enemy  at  Rhode  Island, 
where  six  thousand  British  troops  were  sta 
tioned,  chiefly  in  garrison  at  Newport,  and  pro 
tected  by  a  few  small  vessels,  batteries,  and 
strong  intrenchments.  The  French  squadron 
departed  for  that  place,  without  being  molest 
ed  by  Lord  Howe,  whose  force  was  not  such 
as  to  encourage  him  to  go  out  and  give  battle. 
Anticipating  the  French  admiral's  determina- 


54  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

tion,  Washington  prepared  to  lend  all  the  aid 
in  his  power  to  make  it  effectual.  General 
Sullivan  was  already  in  Providence,  at  the 
head  of  a  considerable  body  of  Continental 
troops ;  and  he  was  ordered  to  apply  to  the 
States  of  Rhode  Island,  Massachusetts,  and 
Connecticut,  for  militia  enough  to  augment  his 
force  to  at  least  five  thousand  men.  A  de 
tachment  of  two  brigades  marched  from  the 
main  army  under  Lafayette,  who  was  followed 
by  General  Greene.  The  events  of  this  ex 
pedition  do  not  fall  within  the  limits  of  the 
present  narrative.  Various  causes  contributed 
to  its  failure,  by  defeating  the  combined  action 
of  the  land  and  naval  forces.  Count  d'Estaing's 
fleet,  after  leaving  Newport,  was  so  much  crip 
pled  by  a  tremendous  storm,  and  a  partial  en 
gagement  at  sea,  that  he  put  in  to  the  harbor 
of  Boston  to  refit,  where  he  remained  till  No 
vember. 

The  disagreements,  which  unhappily  exist 
ed  between  the  American  and  French  officers 
at  Rhode  Island,  gave  the  deepest  concern  to 
Washington.  In  a  letter  to  Lafayette,  who 
had  communicated  the  particulars,  he  lament 
ed  it  as  a  misfortune,  which  might  end  in  a 
serious  injury  to  the  public  interest ;  and  he 
endeavored  to  assuage  the  rising  animosity  of 


-fix.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  55 

the  parties  by  counsels  equally  creditable  to 
his  feelings  as  a  man  and  to  his  patriotism. 

To  Count  d'Estaing  he  wrote  in  language 
not  less  delicate  and  conciliatory,  nor  less  fitted 
to  remove  unfavorable  impressions. 

In  compliance  with  the  order  from  the  min 
istry  given  early  in  the  season,  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  detached  five  thousand  men  to  the 
West  Indies  and  three  thousand  to  Florida: 
but  there  was  much  delay  in  fitting  out  these 
expeditions,  and  the  troops  did  not  actually 
sail  till  near  the  end  of  October.  Lord  Howe's 
fleet  in  the  mean  time  had  been  reinforced  by 
a  squadron  from  Europe.  As  neither  the  or 
ders  nor  the  plans  of  the  British  general  were 
known,  it  was  conjectured  that  he  might  have 
in  view  a  stroke  upon  Count  d'Estaing's  fleet 
in  Boston  harbor,  and  perhaps  an  attack  upon 
that  town.  It  is  probable,  also,  that  General 
Clinton  gave  a  currency  to  rumors  of  this  sort, 
for  the  purpose  of  diverting  the  attention  of 
the  Americans  from  his  real  objects.  A  report 
gained  credit,  believed  to  have  come  from 
good  authority,  that  New  York  was  to  be 
evacuated.  Washington  suspected  the  true 
origin  of  this  rumor,  and  could  not  persuade 
himself  that  an  eastern  expedition  was  intend 
ed  ;  yet  the  public  impression  and  the  convic 
tion  of  some  of  his. officers  were  so  strong,  as 


56  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

to  its  reality,  that  he  took  measures  to  guard 
against  it. 

He  established  his  head-quarters  at  Freder- 
icksburg,  thirty  miles  from  West  Point,  near 
the  borders  of  Connecticut,  and  sent  forward 
a  division  under  General  Gates  to  Danbury. 
The  roads  were  repaired  as  far  as  Hartford,  to 
facilitate  the  march  of  the  troops,  and  three 
brigades  were  despatched  to  that  place.  Gen 
eral  Gates  went  to  Boston,  and  took  command 
of  the  eastern  department,  as  successor  to  Gen 
eral  Heath.  These  operations  kept  the  army 
employed  on  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson  more 
than  four  months,  till  it  was  finally  ascertain 
ed  that  the  enemy  had  no  designs  in  that  di 
rection. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  took  care  to  profit  by 
this  diversion  of  the  American  army.  Forag 
ing  parties  passed  over  to  New  Jersey,  and 
ravaged  the  country.  One  of  these  parties  at 
tacked  Baylor's  dragoons  in  the  night,  at  a 
short  distance  from  Tappan,  rushing  upon 
them  with  the  bayonet,  and  committing  indis 
criminate  slaughter.  A  similar  assault  was 
made  upon  Pulaski's  legion  at  Egg  Harbor. 
Both  these  adventures  were  attended  with 
such  acts  of  cruelty  on  the  part  of  the  enemy, 
as  are  seldom  practised  in  civilized  warfare. 
And  they  were  not  less  impolitic  than  cruel. 


^T.46.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  57 

being  regarded  with  universal  indignation  and 
horror  by  the  people,  and  exciting  a  spirit  of 
hatred  and  revenge,  which  would  necessarily 
react  in  one  form  or  another  upon  their  foes. 
In  fact  this  point  of  policy  was  strangely  mis 
understood  by  the  British,  or  more  strangely 
perverted,  at  every  stage  of  the  contest.  They 
had  many  friends  in  the  country,  whom  it  was 
their  interest  to  retain,  and  they  professed  a 
desire  to  conciliate  others;  yet  they  burned 
and  destroyed  towns,  villages,  and  detached 
farm-houses,  plundered  the  inhabitants  without 
distinction,  and  brought  down  the  savages  with 
the  tomahawk  and  seal  ping-knife  upon  the  de 
fenceless  frontier  settlements,  marking  their 
course  in  every  direction  with  murder,  desola 
tion,  and  ruin.  The  ministry  approved  and 
encouraged  these  atrocities,  flattering  them 
selves  that  the  people  would  sink  under  their 
sufferings,  bewail  their  unhappy  condition,  be 
come  tired  of  the  war,  and  compel  their  lead 
ers  to  seek  an  accommodation.  The  effect 
was  directly  the  contrary  in  every  instance. 
The  people  knew  their  rights,  and  had  the 
common  feelings  of  humanity  ;  and,  when  the 
former  were  wantonly  invaded  and  the  latter 
outraged,  it  was  natural  that  their  passions 
should  be  inflamed,  and  that  they  who  were 
at  first  pacifically  inclined  should  be  roused  to 


58  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

resistance  and  retaliation.  If  the  British  cab 
inet  had  aimed  to  defeat  its  own  objects,  and 
to  consolidate  the  American  people  into  a 
united  phalanx  of  opposition,  it  could  not  have 
chosen  or  pursued  more  effectual  methods. 

The  campaign  being  closed,  General  Wash 
ington  prepared  to  put  the  army  into  winter 
quarters.  Nine  brigades  were  stationed  on  the 
west  side  of  Hudson's  River,  exclusive  of  the 
garrison  at  West  Point.  One  of  these  was 
near  Smith's  Clove,  where  it  could  serve  as  a 
reinforcement  to  West  Point,  should  this  be 
necessary ;  one  at  Elizabethtown ;  and  the 
other  seven  at  Middlebrook,  which  place  was 
likewise  selected  for  head-quarters.  Six  brig 
ades  were  cantoned  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Hudson  and  at  West  Point  as  follows ;  one  at 
West  Point,  two  at  the  Continental  Village,  a 
post  between  Fishkill  and  West  Point,  and 
three  in  the  vicinity  of  Danbury  in  Connecti 
cut.  The  artillery  was  at  Pluckemin.  A  line 
of  cantonments  was  thus  formed  around  New 
York  from  Long  Island  Sound  to  the  Dela 
ware,  so  disposed  as  to  afford  security  to  the 
country,  and  to  reinforce  each  other  in  case  of 
an  excursion  of  the  enemy  to  any  particular 
point.  The  other  important  objects  intended 
by  this  disposition  were  the  comfort,  discipline, 
and  easy  subsistence  of  the  troops.  General 


JEv.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  59 

Putnam  commanded  at  Danbury,  and  General 
McDougall  in  the  Highlands.  In  the  expecta 
tion  that  the  British  detachments,  which  sailed 
from  New  York,  might  act  in  the  winter  against 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  General  Lincoln 
was  sent  by  order  of  Congress  to  take  the 
command  of  the  southern  department. 

The  four  regiments  of  cavalry  were  widely 
separated  ;  one  being  at  Winchester  in  Virgin 
ia,  another  at  Frederic  in  Maryland,  a  third  at 
Lancaster  in  Pennsylvania,  and  a  fourth  at 
Durham  in  Connecticut.  These  cantonments 
were  chosen  apparently  with  a  view  to  the 
convenience  of  procuring  forage. 

The  exchange  of  prisoners  continued  to  be 
a  troublesome  and  perplexing  subject.  Ar 
rangements  had  been  made  with  Sir  William 
Howe,  before  he  left  Philadelphia,  by  which 
exchanges  to  a  certain  extent  had  been  effect 
ed.  But  new  difficulties  arose  in  regard  to 
what  were  called  the  Convention  Troops.  Al 
though  Congress  had  ratified  the  convention 
of  Saratoga,  yet  for  various  reasons  they  did 
not  permit  Burgoyne's  army  to  embark  for 
Europe  according  to  the  terms  of  that  conven 
tion.  Washington  had  no  concern  with  this 
affair,  except  to  execute  the  orders  of  Congress. 
These  troops  being  thus  retained  in  the  coun 
try,  it  was  finally  agreed,  on  the  part  of  the 


60  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

British  commander,  that  they  should  be  ex 
changed  for  American  prisbners  in  his  hands. 
But  the  conditions  prescribed  by  Congress 
were  such,  that  it  was  a  long  time  before  the 
object  was  attained.  They  proposed  that  offi 
cers  of  equal  rank  should  first  be  exchanged  ; 
next,  superior  officers  for  an  equivalent  num 
ber  of  inferior  j  and  if,  after  all  the  officers  of 
the  enemy  should  be  exchanged,  there  should 
still  be  a  surplus  of  American  officers  among 
the  prisoners,  they  were  to  be  exchanged  for 
an  equivalent  number  of  privates  of  the  con 
vention  troops. 

This  principle  was  objected  to  by  Sir  Hen 
ry  Clinton  on  two  grounds;  first,  it  separated 
the  officers  from  the  corps  to  which  they  were 
attached  ;  and,  secondly,  it  gave  an  advantage 
to  the  Americans,  inasmuch  as  their  officers 
could  go  immediately  into  active  service, 
whereas  the  British  officers  must  remain  idle 
till  the  privates  constituting  the  corps  to  which 
they  belonged  should  be  released.  Congress 
did  not  choose  to  relax  from  their  resolves,  and 
the  business  of  exchange  was  a  perpetual 
source  of  vexation.  In  short,  the  interests  of 
the  two  parties  were  so  much  at  variance,  that 
it  was  not  easy  to  reconcile  them.  The  diffi 
culty  of  procuring  soldiers  in  Europe,  and  the 
great  expense  of  bringing  them  over  and 


J£T.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  61 

maintaining  them,  rendered  every  man  of  vast 
ly  more  importance  to  the  British  army,  than 
in  the  American  ranks,  which  could  be  filled 
up  with  militia  when  the  occasion  required. 
Hence  the  British  general  was  always  extreme 
ly  solicitous  to  procure  the  exchange  of  his 
private  soldiers,  and  Congress  equally  averse 
to  gratifying  him  in  this  point.  There  was 
another  reason,  which  operated  with  consider 
able  weight  on  both  sides.  The  British  pris 
oners  were  mostly  German  troops,  who  had  no 
affection  for  the  cause  in  which  they  were  en 
gaged,  and  who,  while  in  the  country  under  a 
loose  system  of  military  discipline,  had  many 
facilities  and  temptations  to  desert. 

There  was  another  cause  of  anxiety  in  the 
breast  of  Washington,  which  began  now  to  be 
felt  more  seriously  than  at  any  former  period 
of  the  war.  The  men  of  talents  and  influ 
ence,  who  had  taken  the  lead  and  combined 
their  strength  in  raising  the  standard  of  inde 
pendence,  had  gradually  withdrawn  from  Con 
gress,  till  that  body  was  left  small  in  number, 
and  comparatively  feeble  in  counsels  and  re 
source.  For  the  year  past,  the  number  of  del 
egates  present  had  seldom  averaged  over  thir 
ty,  and  sometimes  it  was  under  twenty-five. 
Whole  States  were  frequently  unrepresented  ; 
and  indeed  it  was  seldom,  that  every  State  was 


62  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

so  fully  represented  as  to  entitle  it  to  a  vote. 
And  at  no  time  were  private  jealousies  and 
party  feuds  more  rife  or  mischievous  in  their 
effects.  These  symptoms  were  alarming  to 
every  true  friend  of  his  country,  who  reflected 
on  their  tendency,  and  they  filled  the  mind  of 
"Washington  with  deep  concern.  To  those, 
in  whom  he  had  confidence,  he  laid  open  his 
fears,  and  endeavored  to  awaken  a  sense  of  the 
public  danger. 

The  conquest  of  Canada  was  always  a  fa 
vorite  project  with  Congress  j  and  at  this  time, 
when  the  British  forces  were  divided  by  being 
employed  against  the  French  in  the  West  In 
dies,  it  was  thought  that  a  good  opportunity 
offered  itself  for  turning  the  arms  of  the  United 
States  against  that  province.  After  the  termi 
nation  of  the  affair  at  Long  Island,  the  Mar 
quis  de  Lafayette  went  to  Philadelphia,  and 
obtained  a  furlough  from  Congress,  with  the 
intention  of  returning  to  France  on  a  short 
visit.  In  concert  with  him  a  plan  was  formed 
of  an  attack  on  Canada,  which  was  to  be  the 
principal  object  of  the  ensuing  campaign,  and 
the  basis  of  which  was  a  cooperation  with  a 
French  fleet  and  army.  Lafayette  was  to  have 
full  instructions  for  arranging  the  matter  with 
the  court  of  Versailles,  aided  by  the  counsel 


&T.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  63 

and  support  of  Dr.  Franklin,  then  the  Ameri 
can  plenipotentiary  in  France. 

The  plan  was  on  a  very  large  scale.  At 
tacks  were  to  be  made  by  the  American  army 
at  three  points  far  distant  from  each  other, 
namely,  Detroit,  Niagara,  and  by  way  of  the 
Connecticut  River  ;  while  a  French  fleet  should 
ascend  the  St.  Lawrence,  with  four  or  five 
thousand  troops,  and  act  against  Quebec.  The 
scheme  was  discussed,  matured,  and  approved 
with  much  unanimity  in  Congress,  and  then 
sent  to  Washington  with  the  request  that  he 
would  communicate  his  sentiments.  He  re 
plied  in  a  long  despatch,  entering  minutely  into 
the  subject,  and  showing  that  the  plan  was  im 
practicable  ;  that  it  required  resources  in  troops 
and  money,  which  were  not  to  be  had  ;  that  it 
would  involve  Congress  in  engagements  to 
their  ally,  which  it  would  be  impossible  to  ful 
fil  ;  and  that  it  was  in  itself  so  extensive  and 
complicated,  as  to  hold  out  no  reasonable  hope 
of  success,  even  with  all  the  requisite  means 
of  pursuing  it. 

Such  was  his  opinion  in  a  military  view. 
But  the  subject  presented  itself  to  him  in  an 
other  aspect,  in  which  he  thought  it  deserved 
special  consideration.  Canada  formerly  be 
longed  to  France,  and  had  been  severed  from 
her  in  a  manner,  which,  if  not  humiliating  to 


64  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

her  pride,  contributed  nothing  to  her  glory. 
Would  she  not  be  eager  to  recover  this  lost 
province  ?  If  it  should  be  conquered  with  her 
aid,  would  she  not  claim  it  at  the  peace  as 
rightfully  belonging  to  her,  and  be  able  to  ad 
vance  plausible  reasons  for  such  a  demand  ? 
Would  not  the  acquisition  itself  hold  out  a 
strong  temptation  ?  The  territory  abounded 
in  supplies  for  the  use  of  her  Islands,  it  opened 
a  wide  field  of  commerce  with  the  Indian  na 
tions,  it  would  give  her  the  command  of  posts 
on  this  continent  independent  of  the  precari 
ous  good  will  of  an  ally,  it  would  put  her  in  a 
condition  to  engross  the  whole  trade  of  New 
foundland,  and  above  all,  it  would  afford  her 
facilities  for  awing  and  controlling  the  United 
States,  "  the  natural  and  most  formidable  rival 
of  every  maritime  power  in  Europe."  He 
added,  "  France,  acknowledged  for  some  time 
past  the  most  powerful  monarchy  in  Europe 
by  land,  able  now  to  dispute  the  empire  of  the 
sea  with  Great  Britain,  and,  if  joined  with 
Spain,  I  may  say,  certainly  superior,  possessed 
of  New  Orleans  on  our  right,  Canada  on  our 
left,  and  seconded  by  the  numerous  tribes  of 
Indians  in  our  rear  from  one  extremity  to  the 
other,  a  people  so  generally  friendly  to  her, 
and  whom  she  knows  so  well  how  to  concil 
iate,  would,  it  is  much  to  be  apprehended, 


^T.  46]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  65 

have  it   in  her  power  to  give  law  to  tnese 
States." 

These  sentiments,  he  said,  did  not  grow  out 
of  any  distrust  of  the  good  faith  of  France  in 
the  alliance  she  had  formed.  On  .the  contrary, 
he  was  willing  to  entertain  and  cherish  the 
most  favorable  impressions,  in  regard  to  her 
motives  and  aims.  "But,"  he  added  again, 
"  it  is  a  maxim  founded  on  the  universal  ex 
perience  of  mankind,  that  no  nation  is  to  be 
trusted  further  than  it  is  bound  by  its  interest ; 
and  no  prudent  statesman  or  politician  will 
venture  to  depart  from  it.  In  our  circumstan 
ces  we  ought  to  be  particularly  cautious ;  for 
we  have  not  yet  attained  sufficient  vigor  and 
maturity  to  recover  from  the  shock  of  any  false 
step,  into  which  we  may  unwarily  fall.  If 
France  should  even  engage  in  the  scheme,  in 
the  first  instance,  with  the  purest  intentions, 
there  is  the  greatest  danger,  that,  in  the  pro 
gress  of  the  business,  invited  to  it  by  circum 
stances,  and  perhaps  urged  on  by  the  solicita 
tions  and  wishes  of  the  Canadians,  she  would 
alter  her  views."  In  short,  allowing  all  his 
apprehensions  to  be  unfounded,  he  was  still 
reluctant  to  multiply  national  obligations,  or  to 
give  to  any  foreign  power  claims  of  merit  for 
services  performed  beyond  what  was  absolute 
ly  indispensable. 

VOL.   II.  5 


66  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

The  observations  and  reasonings  of  the 
Commander-in-chief  were  so  far  operative  on 
Congress,  as  to  induce  them  at  once  to  narrow 
their  scheme,  though  not  entirely  to  give  it  up. 
They  participated  in  the  general  opinion,  that 
the  war  with  France  would  necessarily  employ 
the  British  fleet  and  troops  in  other  parts  of  the 
world,  and  that  they  would  soon  evacuate  the 
towns  on  the  seacoast  of  the  United  States. 
In  this  event,  they  thought  an  expedition 
against  Canada  should  still  be  the  object  of  the 
campaign,  and  that  preparations  should  accor 
dingly  be  made.  They  requested  General 
Washington  to  write  to  Dr.  Franklin,  and  to  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette,  who  was  then  at  Boston, 
ready  to  depart  for  Europe,  and  state  to  them 
such  details  as  might  be  laid  before  the  French 
court,  in  order  that  eventual  measures  might 
be  taken  for  cooperation  in  case  an  armament 
should  be  sent  to  Quebec  from  France.  The 
plan  in  this  shape,  however,  was  not  more  sat 
isfactory  to  him,  than  in  its  original  form.  He 
saw  no  reason  for  supposing  the  British  would 
evacuate  the  States,  and  he  believed  a  system 
of  operations  built  upon  that  basis  would  fail. 
At  any  rate  he  was  not  prepared  to  hazard  the 
responsibility  of  drawing  the  French  govern 
ment  into  a  measure  so  full  of  uncertainty, 
and  depending  on  so  many  contingencies. 


^ET.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  67 

The  army  being  now  in  winter  quarters,  and 
his  presence  with  it  not  being  essential,  he 
suggested  the  expediency  of  a  personal  inter 
view  with  the  members  of  Congress,  in  which 
his  sentiments  could  be  more  fully  explained 
than  by  writing.  This  proposition  was  ap 
proved.  He  arrived  in  Philadelphia  on  the 
24th  of  December,  and,  after  several  discus 
sions  between  him  and  a  committee  of  Con 
gress,  the  Canada  scheme  was  wholly  laid 
aside. 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  as  connected  with 
the  above  suspicions  on  political  grounds,  that 
the  French  government  was  decidedly  opposed 
to  an  expedition  against  Canada.  The  French 
minister  in  the  United  States  was  instructed, 
before  he  left  France,  not  to  favor  any  projects 
of  conquest ;  and  it  was  the  policy  of  the 
court  of  Versailles,  that  Canada  and  Nova 
Scotia  should  remain  in  the  power  of  Great 
Britain.  The  reasons  for  this  policy  may  not 
be  obvious ;  but  the  fact  is  unquestionable. 
It  is  to  be  considered,  however,  that  France 
had  by  treaty  pledged  herself  to  carry  on  the 
war,  till  the  independence  of  the  United  States 
should  be  secured ;  but  she  had  not  engaged 
to  fight  for  conquests,  nor  for  the  extension  of 
the  territories  of  the  United  States  beyond 
their  original  limits.  Such  an  engagement 


68  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1778. 

would  have  bound  her  to  continue  the  war  in 
definitely,  with  no  other  object  than  to  gratify 
the  ambition  or  enmity  of  her  ally,  while  every 
motive  of  interest  and  of  national  honor  might 
prompt  her  to  seek  for  peace.  It  was  evident, 
too,  that  the  pride  of  England,  humbled  by 
conceding  the  independence  of  her  revolted 
colonies,  would  never  brook  the  severance  of 
her  other  provinces  by  the  direct  agency  of 
France.  All  conquests  thus  made,  therefore, 
would  perplex  the  negotiations  for  peace,  and 
might  involve  France  in  a  protracted  war, 
without  the  least  prospect  of  advantage  to  her 
self.  Hence  she  resolved  to  adhere  strictly  to 
her  pledge  in  the  treaty  of  alliance.  But,  al 
though  the  French  minister  in  America  was 
instructed  not  to  hold  out  encouragement  of 
cooperation  in  plans  of  conquest,  yet  he  was  at 
the  same  time  directed  not  to  throw  any  obsta 
cles  in  the  way  ;  thus  leaving  the  United  States 
to  decide  and  act  for  themselves.  Should  they 
gain  conquests  by  their  own  strength,  these 
might  reasonably  be  claimed  by  them  in  a 
treaty  of  peace,  without  embarrassing  the  re 
lations  between  France  and  England. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  69 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Conferences  with  a  Committee  of  Congress,  and  Plans  for  the 
next  Campaign.  —  Sullivan's  Expedition  against  the  Indians. — 
The  Enemy  commence  a  predatory  Warfare.  —  The  Burning  of 
New  Haven,  Fairfield,  and  Norwalk.  —  Stony  Point  stormed 
and  taken.  —  Successful  Enterprise  against  Paulus  Hook.  — 
Washington's  Interviews  with  the  French  Minister.  —  Plans 
proposed  for  cooperating  with  Count  d'Estaing.  —  The  Army 
goes  into  Winter  Quarters. — Depreciation  of  the  Currency, 
and  its  Efiects. 

GENERAL  WASHINGTON  remained  in  Phila 
delphia  about  five  weeks,  holding  conferences 
with  a  committee  of  Congress,  and  making  ar 
rangements  for  the  campaign  of  1779.  He 
suggested  three  plans,  with  remarks  on  the 
mode  of  executing  them,  and  the  probable  re 
sult  of  each.  The  first  plan  had  in  view  an 
attempt  to  drive  the  enemy  from  their  posts  on 
the  seacoast ;  the  second,  an  attack  on  Niagara, 
and  an  offensive  position  in  that  quarter ;  and, 
by  the  third,  it  was  proposed  to  hold  the  army 
entirely  on  the  defensive,  except  such  opera 
tions  as  would  be  necessary  to  chastise  the  In 
dians,  who  had  committed  depredations  on  the 
frontiers  during  the  past  year,  and  who,  em 
boldened  by  success,  might  be  expected  to  re 
peat  their  ravages. 

After  mature   deliberation,  and  taking   into 


70  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

the  account  the  exhausted  state  of  the  country 
in  regard  both  to  pecuniary  resources  and  sup 
plies  for  an  army,  it  was  decided  to  adopt  the 
third  plan  as  the  best  suited  to  circumstances, 
the  least  expensive,  and  perhaps  the  most  ben 
eficial  in  its  ultimate  effects.  It  would  afford 
an  opportunity  to  retrench  the  heavy  charges 
of  the  war,  and  to  pursue  a  system  of  economy 
imperiously  demanded  by  the  financial  embar 
rassments  in  which  Congress  had  become  in 
volved,  and  thus  enable  them  to  do  something 
for  the  relief  of  public  credit,  and  for  restoring 
the  value  of  the  currency,  which  was  fast 
sinking  into  disrepute,  unsettling  prices,  and 
threatening  ruin  to  almost  every  branch  of  in 
dustry.  It  would  also  give  repose  to  the  coun 
try,  and,  by  leaving  a  larger  number  of  labor 
ers  to  cultivate  the  soil,  contribute  to  increase 
the  supplies  so  much  wanted  for  the  comfort 
of  the  people,  as  well  as  for  the  subsistence  of 
the  army. 

Having  completed  all  the  necessary  arrange 
ments  with  Congress,  he  returned  to  head 
quarters  at  Middlebrook.  The  infantry  of  the 
Continental  army  was  organized  for  the  cam 
paign  in  eighty-eight  battalions,  apportioned  to 
the  several  States,  according  to  the  ratio  hith 
erto  assumed.  There  were  four  regiments  of 
cavalry  and  forty-nine  companies  of  artillery. 


JET.  41.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  71 

The  objects  of  the  campaign  not  requiring 
so  large  a  number  of  men  in  the  field  as  on 
former  occasions,  it  was  intended  to  bestow 
the  -more  attention  upon  their  discipline  and 
practical  skill.  Baron  Steuben,  trained  in  the 
wars  and  under  the  eye  of  Frederic  the  Great, 
had  been  appointed  inspector-general  of  the 
army  the  year  before.  He  wrote  a  system  of 
tactics,  which  was  published,  adopted,  and  put 
in  practice.  His  services  were  of  great  impor 
tance,  both  as  an  experienced  officer,  and  as  a 
successful  teacher  of  his  system,  by  which  the 
discipline  of  the  army  was  much  improved, 
and  the  discordant  exercises  and  evolutions  of 
the  troops  from  different  States  were  reduced 
to  method  and  uniformity. 

The  winter  and  the  spring  passed  away 
without  the  occurrence  of  any  remarkable 
event.  The  British  remained  within  their 
lines  at  New  York,  showing  no  disposition  for 
hazardous  adventures,  and  apparently  making 
no  preparation  for  any  important  expedition 
into  the  country. 

General  Washington  in  the  mean  time  turn 
ed  his  thoughts  to  the  fitting  out  of  an  expe 
dition  against  the  Indians.  The  confederated 
Indians  of  the  Six  Nations,  except  the  Oneidas 
and  a  few  of  the  Mohawks,  influenced  by  Sir 
John  Johnson  and  British  agents  from  Canada, 


72  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

became  hostile  to  the  United  States,  although 
at  first  they  pretended  to  a  sort  of  neutrality. 
Joined  by  a  band  of  Tories,  and  persons  of 
abandoned  principles  collected  from  various 
parts,  they  fell  upon  the  frontier  settlements, 
and  waged  the  most  cruel  and  destructive  war 
against  the  defenceless  and  unoffending  inhab 
itants.  The  massacres  at  Cherry  Yalley  and 
Wyoming  had  filled  every  breast  with  horror, 
and  humanity  cried  aloud  for  vengeance  on  the 
perpetrators  of  such  deeds  of  atrocity.  To 
break  up  these  hordes  of  banditti,  or  at  all 
events  to  drive  them  back  and  lay  waste  their 
territories,  was  the  object  of  the  expedition. 

Four  thousand  Continental  troops  were  de 
tached  for  the  purpose,  who  were  joined  by 
militia  from  the  State  of  New  York  and  inde 
pendent  companies  from  Pennsylvania.  The 
command  of  the  whole  was  given  to  General 
Sullivan.  Three  thousand  men  rendezvoused 
at  Wyoming,  where  General  Sullivan  first  es 
tablished  his  head-quarters,  and  from  which 
place  he  proceeded  up  the  Susquehanna  River 
into  the  Indian  country.  At  the  same  time 
General  James  Clinton  advanced  with  another 
division  from  the  Mohawk  River,  by  way  of 
Otsego  Lake  and  the  east  branch  of  the  Sus 
quehanna,  and  formed  a  junction  with  Sullivan 
near  the  fork,  where  the  two  main  branches  of 


&T.  47.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  73 

the  river  unite.  The  army,  then  amounting 
to  about  five  thousand  men,  including  militia, 
marched  into  the  wilderness  towards  the  In 
dian  settlements.  It  was  met  and  opposed  by 
a  body  of  Tories  and  Indians,  who  were  soon 
routed  and  driven  back.  There  was  no  other 
encounter,  except  slight  skirmishes  with  small 
parties.  Sullivan  pursued  a  circuitous  route  as 
far  as  the  Genessee  River,  destroying  all  the 
villages,  houses,  corn,  arid  provisions,  which 
Jell  in  his  way.  Every  habitation  was  desert- 
el,  the  Indians  having  retired  with  their  fami 
lies  to  the  neighborhood  of  Niagara,  where 
they  were  protected  and  supplied  by  a  British 
ga-rison.  The  purpose  of  the  expedition  being 
attuned,  the  army  retraced  its  steps  down  the 
Suquehanna,  to  Wyoming,  and  arrived  there 
aftei  an  absence  of  a  little  more  than  two 
monhs. 

Si  Henry  Clinton  early  in  the  spring  sent  a 
detaciment  of  two  thousand  five  hundred  men 
to  Virginia,  commanded  by  General  Matthews. 
They  landed  at  Portsmouth,  sacked  the  town, 
marched  to  Suffolk,  destroyed  a  magazine  of 
provisicns  in  that  place,  burnt  the  village  and 
several  detached  private  houses,  and  seized 
large  qiantities  of  tobacco.  Many  vessels 
were  likewise  captured,  others  were  burnt  and 
sunk,  ani  much  plunder  was  taken.  With 


74  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

this  oooty  they  returned  to  New  York.  The 
enterprise  was  executed  in  conformity  with 
orders  from  the  ministry,  who,  after  the  ill 
success  of  their  commissioners,  had  adopted 
the  policy  of  a  predatory  warfare  on  the  sea- 
coast,  with  the  design  of  destroying  the  towns, 
ships,  and  magazines,  conceiving,  as  expressed 
by  Lord  George  Germain,  "  that  a  war  of  this 
sort,  carried  on  with  spirit  and  humanity, 
would  probably  induce  the  rebellious  province* 
to  return  to  their  allegiance,  or  at  least  prevert 
their  sending  out  that  swarm  of  privateers,  tie 
success  of  which  had  encouraged  them  to  per 
severe  in  their  revolt." 

When  the  squadron  returned  from  Virghia, 
it  was  immediately  joined  by  other  vessels 
having  on  board  a  large  body  of  troops  all 
of  which  sailed  up  Hudson's  River.  Phis 
expedition  was  conducted  by  Sir  Henry  Clin 
ton  in  person,  and  his  first  object  -\\as  to 
take  the  posts  at  Stony  Point  and  Verpknck's 
Point,  situate  on  opposite  sides  of  the  Hudson, 
where  the  Americans  had  thrown  up  \^orks  to 
protect  King's  Ferry,  the  main  chamel  of 
communication  between  the  eastern  aid  mid 
dle  States.  Should  circumstances  favor  so 
bold  an  experiment,  he  intended  nett  to  en 
deavor  to  force  his  way  into  the  Highlands, 
make  himself  master  of  the  forti  flections  and 


JET.  47.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  75 

strong  passes,  and  thus  secure  the  command  of 
the  Hudson. 

Being  informed  of  the  preparations  in  New 
York,  and  penetrating  the  designs  of  the  Brit 
ish  commander,  Washington  was  at  hand  in 
time  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  second 
part  of  the  scheme.  By  rapid  marches  he 
drew  his  troops  from  their  cantonments  in  New 
Jersey,  and  placed  them  in  such  positions  as  to 
discourage  Sir  Henry  Clinton  from  attempting 
any  thing  further,  than  the  capture  of  the  two 
posts  above  mentioned,  which  were  in  no  con 
dition  to  resist  a  formidable  fleet  and  an  army 
of  more  than  six  thousand  men.  After  this 
event,  which  happened  on  the  1st  of  June,  Clin 
ton  withdrew  his  forces  down  the  river,  and  at 
length  to  New  York,  leaving  a  strong  garrison 
at  each  of  the  posts,  with  orders  to  extend  and 
complete  the  works  begun  by  the  Americans  ; 
and  also  directing  such  a  number  of  armed 
vessels  and  boats  to  remain  there,  as  would  be 
necessary  to  furnish  supplies  and  contribute  to 
their  defence. 

General  Washington  removed  his  head 
quarters  to  New  Windsor,  a  few  miles  above 
West  Point,  distributing  his  army  chiefly  in 
and  near  the  Highlands,  but  stationing  a  force 
on  each  side  of  the  river  below,  sufficient  to 
check  any  sudden  incursion  of  the  enemy. 


76  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

The  system  of  devastation  and  plunder  was 
vigorously  pursued.  About  the  beginning  of 
July  a  detachment  of  two  thousand  six  hun 
dred  men,  under  Governor  Tryon,  sailed  from 
New  York  into  Long  Island  Sound.  They 
first  landed  at  New  Haven,  plundered  the  in 
habitants  indiscriminately,  and  burnt  the  stores 
on  the  wharfs.  This  being  done,  they  em 
barked,  and  landed  at  Fairfield  and  Norwalk, 
which  towns  were  reduced  to  ashes.  Dwell 
ing-houses,  shops,  churches,  school-houses,  and 
the  shipping  in  the  harbors,  were  destroyed. 
The  soldiers  pillaged  without  restraint,  com 
mitting  acts  of  violence,  and  exhibiting  the 
horrors  of  war  m  some  of  their  most  revolting 
forms.  It  does  not  appear  that  there  were 
troops,  magazines,  or  public  property  in  either 
of  the  towns.  The  waste  and  distress  fell  on 
individuals,  who  were  pursuing  the  ordinary 
occupations  of  life.  The  people  rallied  in 
self-defence,  and  a  few  were  killed;  but  the 
enemy  retired  to  their  vessels  before  the  mili 
tia  could  assemble  in  large  numbers. 

The  British  commander  hoped  that  this  in 
vasion  of  Connecticut  would  draw  away  the 
American  army  from  the  Highlands  to  a  posi 
tion  where  he  might  bring  on  an  engagement 
under  favorable  circumstances.  Washington's 
habitual  caution  guarded  him  against  allowing 


.Ex.  47.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  77 

such  an  advantage.  On  the  contrary,  while 
the  enemy's  forces  were  thus  divided,  he  re 
solved  to  attack  the  strong  post  at  Stony  Point. 
"  The  necessity  of  doing  something  to  satisfy 
the  expectations  of  the  people  and  reconcile 
them  to  the  defensive  plan,  which  he  was 
obliged  to  pursue,  the  value  of  the  acquisition 
in  itself,  with  respect  to  the  men,  artillery,  and 
stores,  which  composed  the  garrison,  the  effect 
it  would  have  upon  the  successive  operations  of 
the  campaign,  and  the  check  it  would  give  to 
the  depredations  of  the  enemy,"  were,  as  he 
said,  the  motives  which  prompted  him  to  this 
undertaking.  He  reconnoitred  the  post  him 
self,  and  instructed  Major  Henry  Lee,  who 
was  stationed  near  it  with  a  party  of  cavalry, 
to  gain  all  the  information  in  his  power  as  to 
the  condition  of  the  works  and  the  strength 
of  the  garrison. 

The  enterprise  was  intrusted  to  General 
Wayne,  who  commanded  a  body  of  light  in 
fantry  in  advance  of  the  main  army,  where  he 
was  placed  to  watch  the  movements  of  the 
enemy,  to  prevent  their  landing,  and  to  attack 
separate  parties  whenever  opportunities  should 
offer.  Having  procured  all  the  requisite  in 
formation,  and  determined  to  make  the  assault, 
Washington  communicated  general  instructions 
to  Wayne  in  writing  and  conversation,  leaving 


78  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

the  rest  to  the  well  tried  bravery  and  skill  of 
that  gallant  officer. 

The  night  of  the  15th  of  July  was  fixed 
on  for  the  attack.  After  a  march  of  fourteen 
miles  during  the  afternoon,  the  party  arrived 
within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  enemy  at 
eight  o'clock  in  the  evening.  The  works 
were  then  reconnoitred  by  the  commander  and 
the  principal  officers,  and  at  half  past  eleven 
the  whole  moved  forward  in  two  columns  to 
the  assault.  The  van  of  the  right  column 
consisted  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  volunteers 
with  unloaded  muskets  and  fixed  bayonets, 
preceded  by  twenty  picked  men  to  remove  the 
abatis  and  other  obstructions.  One  hundred 
volunteers,  preceded  likewise  by  twenty  men, 
composed  the  van  of  the  left.  Positive  orders 
were  given  not  to  fire,  but  to  rely  wholly  on 
the  bayonet,  which  orders  were  faithfully 
obeyed.  A  deep  morass  in  front  of  the  enemy's 
works,  and  a  double  row  of  abatis,  retarded 
their  progress ;  but  these  obstacles  were  soon 
overcome  by  the  ardor  of  the  troops,  and  the 
assault  began  about  twenty  minutes  after 
twelve.  From  that  time  they  pushed  forward 
in  the  face  of  a  tremendous  fire  of  musketry 
and  of  cannon  loaded  with  grapeshot,  and  both 
columns  met  in  the  centre  of  the  enemy's 
works,  each  arriving  nearly  at  the  same  in- 


^Ex.  47.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  79 

stant.  General  Wayne,  who  advanced  with 
the  right  column,  received  a  slight  wound  in 
the  head,  and  was  supported  into  the  works 
by  his  aids-de-camp. 

The  assault  was  successful  in  all  its  parts. 
The  number  of  prisoners  was  five  hundred 
and  forty-three,  and  the  number  killed  on  the 
side  of  the  enemy  was  sixty-three.  Of  the 
assailing  party  fifteen  were  killed,  and  eighty- 
three  wounded.  Several  cannons  and  mortars 
of  various  sizes,  a  large  number  of  muskets, 
shells,  shot,  and  tents,  and  a  proportional  quan 
tity  of  stores,  were  taken.  The  action  is  al 
lowed  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
of  the  Revolution.  Congress  passed  resolves 
complimentary  to  the  officers  and  privates, 
granting  specific  rewards,  and  directing  the 
value  of  all  the  military  stores  taken  in  the 
garrison  to  be  divided  among  the  troops  in  pro 
portion  to  the  pay  of  the  officers  and  men. 
Three  different  medals  were  ordered  to  be 
struck,  emblematical  of  the  action,  and  award 
ed  respectively  to  General  Wayne,  Colonel 
Fleury,  and  Colonel  Stewart.  Congress  also 
passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  General  Washing 
ton  "for  the  vigilance,  wisdom,  and  magna 
nimity,  with  which  he  had  conducted  the  mil 
itary  operations  of  the  States,"  and  especially 
as  manifested  in  his  orders  for  the  late  attack. 


80  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

It  was  his  first  intention,  if  the  storming  of 
Stony  Point  should  prove  successful,  to  make 
an  immediate  attempt  against  Verplanck's 
Point,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  For 
this  purpose  he  had  requested  General  Wayne 
to  forward  the  intelligence  to  head-quarters 
through  the  hands  of  General  McDougall,  who 
commanded  at  West  Point,  and  who  would  be 
in  readiness  to  send  down  a  detachment  by 
the  way  of  Peekskill  to  attack  Yerplanck's 
Point  on  the  land  side,  while  it  was  cannona 
ded  from  Stony  Point  across  the  river.  »  By 
some  misunderstanding,  the  messenger  neg 
lected  to  call  at  West  Point,  and  thus  several 
hours  were  lost  before  General  McDougall  re 
ceived  the  intelligence.  To  this  delay  has 
been  ascribed  the  failure  of  the  undertaking 
against  Yerplanck's  Point.  From  the  letters 
of  General  McDougall  and  other  officers  writ 
ten  at  the  time,  however,  it  is  evident  that  the 
want  of  horses  and  conveniences  for  the  trans 
portation  of  artillery  was  such,  as  to  render  it 
impossible  in  any  event  to  arrive  at  Verplanck's 
Point  with  the  adequate  means  of  assault,  be 
fore  the  enemy  had  assembled  a  sufficient 
force  to  give  entire  security  to  the  garrison. 

When  Washington  examined  Stony  Point 
after  the  capture,  he  resolved  to  evacuate  the 
post,  remove  the  cannon  and  stores,  and  de- 


JET.  47.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  81 

stroy  the  works.  Being  accessible  by  the  en 
emy's  vessels  of  war,  a  larger  number  of  men 
would  be  required  for  the  defence  than  could 
properly  be  spared  from  the  main  army;  and 
at  the  same  time  it  might  be  necessary  to  haz 
ard  a  general  action,  which  was  by  no  means 
to  be  desired  on  such  terms  as  would  be  im 
posed,  and  for  such  an  object.  Every  thing 
was  brought  off,  except  one  heavy  cannon. 
The  enemy  afterwards  reoccupied  the  post, 
and  repaired  the  works. 

About  a  month  after  the  storming  of  Stony 
Point,  another  enterprise  similar  in  its  charac 
ter,  and  not  less  daring,  was  executed  by  Ma 
jor  Henry  Lee.  At  the  head  of  three  hundred 
men,  and  a  troop  of  dismounted  dragoons,  he 
surprised  the  enemy's  post  at  Paulus  Hook, 
opposite  to  New  York,  and  took  one  hundred 
and  fifty-nine  prisoners,  having  two  only  of 
his  party  killed  and  three  wounded.  The 
plan  originated  with  Major  Lee,  arid  great 
praise  was  bestowed  upon  him  for  the  address 
and  bravery  with  which  it  was  executed.  A 
medal  of  gold,  commemorative  of  the  event, 
was  ordered  by  Congress  to  be  struck  and  pre 
sented  to  him. 

No  other  events  of  much  importance  hap 
pened  in  the  army  under  Washington's  imme 
diate  command  during  the  campaign.  The 

VOL.    II.  6 


82  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

British  troops  remained  inactive  at  New  York, 
and  the  Americans  held  their  ground  in  the 
Highlands.  In  the  course  of  this  year  the 
works  at  West  Point  and  in  its  vicinity  were 
chiefly  constructed.  A  part  of  the  time  two 
thousand  five  hundred  men  were  on  fatigue 
duty  every  day.  Before  the  end  of  July  the 
head-quarters  of  the  Commander-in-chief  were 
removed  to  West  Point,  where  he  continued 
for  the  rest  of  the  season. 

As  few  incidents  of  a  personal  nature  inter 
vene  to  vary  the  monotony  of  military  opera 
tions,  and  of  the  great  public  affairs  which  oc 
cupied  the  thoughts  of  Washington,  it  may 
not  be  amiss  to  insert  here  a  letter  inviting  a 
friend  to  dine  with  him  at  head-quarters.  It 
gives  an  idea  of  the  manner  in  which  he 
lived,  and  shows  that  he  could  sometimes  be 
playful,  even  when  oppressed  with  public 
cares,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  harassing  duties 
of  his  command.  The  letter  is  addressed  to 
Dr.  Cochran,  surgeon-general  in  the  army,  and 
dated  at  West  Point  on  the  16th  of  August. 
"  Dear  Doctor, 

"  I  have  asked  Mrs.  Cochran  and  Mrs.  Liv 
ingston  to  dine  with  me  to-morrow ;  but  am  I 
not  in  honor  bound  to  apprize  them  of  their 
fare  ?  As  I  hate  deception,  even  where  the 
imagination  only  is  concerned,  I  will.  It  is 


jET.  47.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  83 

needless  to  premise,  that  my  table  is  large 
enough  to  hold  the  ladies.  Of  this  they  had 
ocular  proof  yesterday.  To  say  how  it  is 
usually  covered,  is  rather  more  essential ;  and 
this  shall  be  the  purport  of  my  letter. 

"  Since  our  arrival  at  this  happy  spot,  we 
have  had  a  ham,  sometimes  a  shoulder  of  ba 
con,  to  grace  the  head  of  the  table ;  a  piece  of 
roast  beef  adorns  the  foot ;  and  a  dish  of  beans, 
or  greens,  almost  imperceptible,  decorates  the 
centre.  When  the  cook  has  a  mind  to  cut  a 
figure,  which  I  presume  will  be  the  case  to 
morrow,  we  have  two  beefsteak  pies,  or  dishes 
of  crabs,  in  addition,  one  on  each  side  of  the 
centre  dish,  dividing  the  space  and  reducing 
the  distance  between  dish  and  dish  to  about 
six  feet,  which  without  them  would  be  nearly 
twelve  feet  apart.  Of  late  he  has  had  the  sur 
prising  sagacity  to  discover,  that  apples  will 
make  pies ;  and  it  is  a  question,  if,  in  the  vio 
lence  of  his  efforts,  we  do  not  get  one  of  apples, 
instead  of  having  both  of  beefsteaks.  If  the 
ladies  can  put  up  with  such  entertainment,  and 
will  submit  to  partake  of  it  on  plates,  once  tin 
but  now  iron  (not  become  so  by  the  labor  of 
scouring),  I  shall  be  happy  to  see  them;  and 
am,  dear  Doctor,  yours." 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  disappointed  in  not  re 
ceiving  additions  to  his  army  from  Europe, 


84  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1779. 

began  to  be  weary  of  his  situation,  and  to  de 
spair  of  effecting  any  thing  that  would  either 
redound  to  the  glory  of  the  British  arms,  or 
answer  the  expectations  of  his  employers.  On 
the  21st  of  August  he  said,  in  a  letter  to  Lord 
George  Germain,  "  I  now  find  myself  obliged 
by  many  cogent  reasons  to  abandon  every 
view  of  making  an  effort  in  this  quarter.  The 
precautions,  which  General  Washington  has 
had  leisure  to  take,  make  me  hopeless  of  bring 
ing  him  to  a  general  action,  and  the  season 
dissuades  me  strongly  from  losing  time  in  the 
attempt."  He  informs  the  minister,  that  his 
thoughts  are  turned  to  the  south,  that  he  shall 
put  New  York  in  a  complete  state  of  defence, 
withdraw  his  troops  from  the  posts  on  the 
Hudson,  and  sail  for  South  Carolina  with  a 
large  part  of  his  army  as  soon  as  the  season 
will  permit  him  to  act  in  that  climate. 

After  Count  d'Estaing  left  the  harbor  of 
Boston,  he  proceeded  to  the  West  Indies,  where 
he  operated  during  the  winter,  took  St.  Vin 
cent  and  Grenada,  and  had  a  naval  engage 
ment  with  Admiral  Byron's  fleet.  It  was  ex 
pected,  that  he  would  return  to  the  United 
States  in  the  course  of  the  summer,  and 
M.  Gerard,  the  French  minister  in  Philadelphia, 
held  several  conferences  with  a  committee  of 
Congress  respecting  a  concerted  plan  of  action 


JEr.  47.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  85 

between  the  French  squadron  and  the  Ameri 
can  forces.  For  the  same  object  M.  Gerard 
went  to  camp,  and  held  interviews  with  the 
Commander-in-chief,  to  whom  Congress  dele 
gated  the  power  of  arranging  and  executing 
the  whole  business  in  such  a  manner  as  his 
judgment  and  prudence  should  dictate.  Vari 
ous  plans  were  suggested  and  partly  matured  ; 
but,  as  the  unfortunate  repulse  of  the  French 
and  American  troops  in  their  assault  on  Savan 
nah,  and  the  subsequent  departure  of  Count 
d'Estaing  from  the  coast,  prevented  their  being 
carried  into  execution,  they  need  not  be  ex 
plained  in  this  place. 

The  intercourse  with  Washington  on  this 
occasion  left  favorable  impressions  on  the  mind 
of  the  French  minister.  In  a  letter  to  Count 
de  Vergennes,  written  from  camp,  he  said  ;  "I 
have  had  many  conversations  with  General 
Washington,  some  of  which  have  continued 
for  three  hours.  It  is  impossible  for  me  briefly 
to  communicate  the  fund  of  intelligence,  which 
I  have  derived  from  him  ;  but  I  shall  do  it  in 
my  letters  as  occasions  shall  present  them 
selves.  I  will  now  say  only,  that  I  have  form 
ed  as  high  an  opinion  of  the  powers  of  his 
mind,  his  moderation,  his  patriotism,  and  his 
virtues,  as  I  had  before  from  common  report 
conceived  of  his  military  talents,  and  of  the 


86  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  11119. 

incalculable  services  he  has  rendered  to  his 
country."  The  same  sentiments  were  often 
repeated  by  the  successor  of  M.  Gerard,  and 
contributed  to  establish  the  unbounded  confi 
dence,  which  the  French  government  placed 
in  the  American  commander  during  the  war. 

Although  the  plans  of  cooperation  failed,  yet 
they  were  serviceable  in  embarrassing  the 
schemes  of  the  enemy.  As  soon  as  it  was 
known  that  Count  d'Estaing  had  arrived  in 
Georgia,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  naturally  supposed 
that  he  would  proceed  northward,  and  unite 
with  Washington  in  a  combined  attack  on 
New  York.  Alarmed  for  his  safety  in  such  an 
event,  he  caused  Rhode  Island  to  be  evacuated, 
and  drew  to  New  York  the  garrison,  which 
had  been  stationed  nearly  three  years  at  that 
place,  consisting  at  times  of  about  six  thou 
sand  men.  Stony  Point  and  Yerplanck's  Point 
were  likewise  evacuated.  The  appearance  of 
Count  d'Estaing's  fleet  on  the  coast  retarded 
Sir  Henry  Clinton's  southern  expedition  till 
near  the  end  of  December,  when,  having  re 
ceived  reinforcements  from  Europe,  he  em 
barked  about  seven  thousand  troops,  and  sailed 
for  South  Carolina,  under  the  convoy  of  Ad 
miral  Arbuthnot. 

The  campaign  being  now  at  an  end,  the  ar 
my  was  again  put  into  winter  quarters,  the 


jEr.48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  87 

main  body  in  the  neighborhood  of  Morristown, 
strong  detachments  at  West  Point  and  other 
posts  near  the  Hudson,  and  the  cavalry  in  Con 
necticut.  The  head-quarters  were  at  Morris- 
town.  The  ill  success  of  the  allied  arms  at 
Savannah,  and  the  indications  of  Sir  Henry 
Clinton's  designs  against  South  Carolina,  were 
reasons  for  sending  more  troops  to  General 
Lincoln's  army  ;  and,  before  the  middle  of  De 
cember,  two  of  the  North  Carolina  regiments 
and  the  whole  of  the  Virginia  line  marched  to 
the  south. 

A  descent  upon  Staten  Island  by  a  party  un 
der  Lord  Stirling,  a  retaliatory  incursion  of  the 
enemy  into  New  Jersey  at  Elizabethtown,  and 
a  skirmish  near  White  Plains,  were  the  only 
military  events  during  the  winter. 

The  army  for  the  campaign  in  1780  was 
nominally  fixed  by  Congress  at  thirty-five 
thousand  two  hundred  and  eleven  men.  Each 
State  was  required  to  furnish  its  quota  by  the 
1st  day  of  April.  No  definite  plan  was  adopt 
ed  for  the  campaign,  as  the  operations  must 
depend  on  circumstances  and  the  strength  and 
condition  of  the  enemy. 

One  of  the  greatest  evils,  which  now  afflict 
ed  the  country,  and  which  threatened  the  most 
alarming  consequences,  was  the  depreciation 
of  the  currency.  Destitute  of  pecuniary  re- 


88  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

sources,  and  without  the  power  of  imposing 
direct  taxes,  Congress  had,  early  in  the  war, 
resorted  to  the  expedient  of  paper  money.  For 
a  time,  while  the  quantity  was  comparatively 
small,  its  credit  was  good  ;  but  in  March,  1780, 
the  enormous  amount  of  two  hundred  millions 
of  dollars  had  been  issued,  no  part  of  which 
had  been  redeemed.  At  this  time  forty  paper 
dollars  were  worth  only  one  in  specie.  Prices 
rose  as  the  money  sank  in  value,  and  every 
branch  of  trade  was  unsettled  and  deranged. 
The  effect  was  peculiarly  oppressive  on  the 
troops,  and  was  a  principal  reason  for  the  ex 
orbitant  bounties  allowed  to  them  in  the  latter 
years  of  the  war.  The  separate  States  like 
wise  issued  paper  money,  which  increased  the 
evil,  without  affording  any.  adequate  relief. 
The  only  remedy  was  taxation  ;  but  this  was 
seldom  pursued  with  vigor,  owing,  in  part,  to 
the  distracted  state  of  the  times  and  the  ex 
hausted  condition  of  the  country,  and  in  part 
also  to  State  jealousy.  As  each  State  felt  its 
burdens  to  be  heavy,  it  was  cautious  how  it 
added  to  them  in  a  greater  proportion  than  its 
neighbors ;  and  thus  all  were  reluctant  to  act, 
till  impelled  by  the  pressure  of  necessity. 

So  low  had  the  credit  of  the  currency  fallen, 
that  the  commissaries  found  it  extremely  diffi 
cult,  and  in  some  cases  impossible,  to  purchase 


^T.  48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  89 

supplies  for  the  army.  Congress  adopted  a 
new  method,  by  requiring  each  State  to  furnish 
a  certain  quantity  of  beef,  pork,  flour,  corn, 
forage,  and  other  articles,  which  were  to  be  de 
posited  in  such  places  as  the  Commander-in- 
chief  should  determine.  The  States  were  to 
be  credited  for  the  amount  at  a  fixed  valuation 
in  specie.  The  system  turned  out  to  be  im 
practicable.  The  multitude  of  hands  into 
which  the  business  was  thrown,  the  want  of 
proper  authority  to  compel  its  prompt  execu 
tion,  the  distance  of  several  of  the  States  from 
the  army,  and  the  consequent  difficulties  of 
transportation,  all  conspired  to  make  it  the  most 
expensive,  the  most  uncertain,  and  the  least 
effectual  method  that  could  be  devised.  It 
added  greatly  to  the  embarrassments  of  the 
military  affairs,  and  to  the  labor  and  perplex 
ities  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  till  it  was 
abandoned. 

To  keep  np  the  credit  of  the  currency,  Con 
gress  recommended  to  the  States  to  pass  laws 
making  paper  money  a  legal  tender  at  its  nom 
inal  value  for  the  discharge  of  debts,  which 
had  been  contracted  to  be  paid  in  gold  or  silver. 
Such  laws  were  enacted,  and  many  debtors 
took  advantage  of  them.  When  the  army 
was  at  Morristown,  a  man  of  respectable  stand 
ing  lived  in  the  neighborhood,  who  was  assid- 


90  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

uous  in  his  civilities  to  Washington,  which 
were  kindly  received  and  reciprocated.  Un 
luckily  this  man  paid  his  debts  in  the  depre 
ciated  currency.  Some  time  afterwards  he 
called  at  head-quarters,  and  was  introduced  as 
usual  to  the  General's  apartment,  where  he  was 
then  conversing  with  some  of  his  officers.  He 
bestowed  very  little  attention  upon  the  visiter. 
The  same  thing  occurred  a  second  time,  when 
he  was  more  reserved  than  before.  This  was 
so  different  from  his  customary  manner,  that 
Lafayette,  who  was  present  on  both  occasions, 
could  not  help  remarking  it,  and  he  said,  after 
the  man  was  gone  ;  "  General,  this  man  seems 
to  be  much  devoted  to  you,  and  yet  you  have 
scarcely  noticed  him."  Washington  replied, 
smiling  ;  "  I  know  I  have  not  been  cordial ;  I 
tried  hard  to  be  civil,  and  attempted  to  speak 
to  him  two  or  three  times,  but  that  Continen 
tal  money  stopped  my  mouth."  He  considered 
these  laws  unjust  in  principle,  and  iniquitous 
in  their  effects.  He  was  himself  a  loser  to  a 
considerable  amount  by  their  operation. 

At  the  beginning  of  April,  when  the  States 
were  to  have  completed  their  quotas  of  troops, 
the  whole  number  under  Washington's  imme 
diate  command  was  no  more  than  ten  thousand 
four  hundred  rank  and  file.  This  number  was 
soon  diminished  by  sending  the  remainder  of 


^T.  48.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  91 

the  Maryland  line  and  the  Delaware  regiment 
to  the  southern  army.  The  British  force  at 
New  York  amounted  to  seventeen  thousand 
three  hundred  effective  men.  From  that  time 
the  army  of  the  north  consisted  of  such  troops 
only,  as  were  raised  in  the  New  England 
States,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  Pennsyl 
vania.  To  hasten  and  give  effect  to  the  ar 
rangements  for  the  campaign,  and  draw  more 
expeditiously  from  the  States  their  quotas  of 
soldiers  and  supplies,  General  Washington  re 
quested  a  committee  of  Congress  to  attend  the 
army,  with  power  to  act  in  the  name  of  that 
body  for  definite  objects,.  The  committee  re 
mained  in  camp  between  two  and  three  months. 
General  Schuyler,  then  a  member  of  Congress, 
was  one  of  the  committee,  and  his  experience, 
sound  judgment,  and  energetic  character,  en 
abled  him  to  render  essential  services  in  that 
capacity. 


92  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Arrival  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  with  the  Intelligence  that  a 
French  Armament  was  on  its  Way  to  the  United  States.  —  The 
Army  takes  a  Position  near  Hudson's  River.  —  The  French 
Squadron  arrives  at  Newport.  —  Count  de  Rochambeau's  In 
structions.  —  French  Fleet  blockaded.  —  Interview  between 
General  Washington  and  the  French  Commander  at  Hartford. 
—  The  Treason  of  Arnold.  —  Plans  for  attacking  New  York. 

BEFORE  the  end  of  April,  the  Marquis  de 
Lafayette  arrived  at  Boston  from  France,  with 
the  cheering  intelligence  that  the  French  gov 
ernment  had  fitted  out  an  armament  of  naval 
and  land  forces,  which  might  soon  be  expected 
in  the  United  States.  He  proceeded  imme 
diately  to  Washington's  head-quarters,  and 
thence  to  Congress.  Although  many  of  the 
Americans  had  hoped  that  their  arms  would  be 
strengthened  by  the  troops  of  their  allies,  yet 
no  indications  had  hitherto  been  given,  which 
encouraged  them  to  believe  that  any  aid  of  this 
sort  would  be  rendered.  The  experiment  was 
also  thought  by  some  to  be  hazardous.  The 
prejudice  against  French  soldiers,  which  had 
been  implanted  and  nurtured  by  the  colonial 
wars,  it  was  feared  might  lead  to  serious  con 
sequences,  if  French  troops  should  be  landed 
in  the  United  States,  and  brought  to  act  in 


jEr.48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  93 

concert  with  the  American  army.  So  strongly 
was  Count  de  Yergennes  influenced  by  this 
apprehension,  that  he  opposed  the  sending  of 
troops  to  America,  and  advised  that  the  efforts 
of  France  in  succoring  her  ally  should  be  ex 
pended  in  naval  equipments,  which  he  believ 
ed  would  be  more  effectual  in  annoying  and 
weakening  the  common  enemy.  In  this  opin 
ion,  however,  the  other  members  of  the  cabi 
net  did  not  concur,  and  it  was  resolved  to  send 
out  a  fleet  with  a  body  of  troops  to  operate  on 
land.  Lafayette  was  principally  instrumental 
in  effecting  this  decision.  It  was  a  point  upon 
which  he  had  set  his  heart  before  he  left  Amer 
ica,  and  it  may  be  presumed  that  he  previously 
ascertained  the  sentiments  of  Washington.  At 
any  rate,  his  observation  while  in  the  country 
had  convinced  him,  that  French  troops  would 
be  well  received  ;  and  he  had  the  address  to 
bring  the  majority  of  the  ministry  to  the  same 
way  of  thinking. 

In  the  month  of  June,  General  Knyphausen 
crossed  over  with  such  a  force  as  he  could  spare 
from  New  York,  and  made  an  incursion  into 
New  Jersey.  He  was  met  by  detachments 
from  the  American  army,  and  some  smart  skir 
mishing  ensued,  particularly  at  Springfield, 
where  the  encounter  lasted  several  hours.  The 


94  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

enemy  were  driven  back,  and  they  retired  to 
Staten  Island. 

The  object  of  this  adventure  could  not  ea 
sily  be  ascertained.  General  Washington  at 
first  supposed  it  to  be  a  feint  to  amuse  him  in 
that  quarter,  while  a  more  formidable  force 
should  be  suddenly  pushed  up  the  Hudson  to 
attack  the  posts  in  the  Highlands.  This  opin 
ion  was  countenanced  by  the  arrival,  just  at 
that  time,  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  from  his  suc 
cessful  expedition  against  Charleston.  No  such 
attempt  being  made,  however,  the  only  effect 
was  to  draw  General  Washington's  army  near 
er  the  Hudson,  where  he  took  a  position  in 
which  he  could  act  in  defence  of  New  Jersey 
or  the  Highlands,  as  occasion  might  require. 

News  at  length  came,  that  the  French  fleet 
had  entered  the  harbor  of  Newport,  in  Rhode 
Island,  on  the  10th  of  July.  The  armament 
consisted  of  seven  or  eight  ships  of  the  line, 
two  frigates,  two  bombs,  and  upwards  of  five 
thousand  troops.  The  fleet  was  commanded 
by  the  Chevalier  de  Ternay,  and  the  army  by 
the  Count  de  Rochambeau.  This  was  called 
the  first  division.  Another,  being  detained  for 
the  want  of  transports,  was  left  at  Brest  al 
most  ready  to  sail,  which  it  was  said  would 
soon  follow. 

The  instructions  from  the  ministry  to  Count 


jEr.48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  95 

de  Rochambeau,  were  extremely  judicious, 
and  contrived  in  every  part  to  secure  harmony 
between  the  American  and  French  armies. 
The  general  and  the  troops  were  to  be  in  all 
cases  under  the  command  of  General  Wash 
ington.  When  the  two  armies  were  united, 
the  French  troops  were  to  be  considered  as 
auxiliaries,  and  to  yield  precedence  by  taking 
the  left.  American  officers  were  to  command 
French  officers  of  equal  rank,  and  holding 
commissions  of  the  same  dates;  and,  in  all 
military  acts  and  capitulations,  the  American 
generals  were  to  be  named  first  and  to  sign 
first.  These  instructions,  expressed  in  clear 
and  positive  terms,  were  made  known  to  Gen 
eral  Washington  by  Lafayette  before  the  troops 
landed.  A  copy  in  detail  was  likewise  sent  to 
him  by  Count  de  Rochambeau.  They  pro 
duced  all  the  happy  effects,  which  could  have 
been  anticipated.  Perfect  harmony  subsisted 
not  only  between  the  armies,  but  between  the 
people  and  the  French  troops,  from  their  first 
arrival  in  the  country  till  their  final  departure. 
The  Continental  officers,  by  the  recommenda 
tion  of  General  Washington,  wore  cockades  of 
black  and  white  intermixed,  as  a  compliment 
to  the  French  troops,  and  a  symbol  of  friend 
ship  ;  the  former  color  being  that  of  the  Ameri 
can  cockade,  and  the  latter  that  of  the  French. 


96  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

A  plan  of  combined  operations  against  the 
enemy  in  New  York  was  drawn  up  by  Gen 
eral  Washington,  and  forwarded  to  Count  de 
Rochambeau  by  the  hands  of  Lafayette,  who 
went  to  Newport  for  the  purpose  of  making 
explanations,  and  concerting  arrangements  with 
the  French  general  and  admiral.  This  plan 
had  for  its  basis  the  naval  superiority  of  the 
French  over  the  English,  by  which  the  fleet 
of  the  latter  might  be  attacked  to  advantage, 
or  at  least  blocked  up  in  the  harbor  of  New 
York.  At  the  present  time,  however,  this 
was  not  the  case.  The  arrival  of  Admiral 
Graves,  with  six  ships  of  the  line,  had  increas 
ed  the  British  naval  force  considerably  beyond 
that  of  the  Chevalier  de  Ternay  :  and  it  was 
agreed  that  nothing  could  be  done,  till  he 
should  be  reinforced  by  the  second  division 
from  France,  or  by  the  squadron  of  the  Count 
de  Guichen,  which  was  expected  from  the 
West  Indies. 

Forewarned  by  the  British  ministry  of  the 
destination  of  the  French  armament,  Sir  Hen 
ry  Clinton  made  seasonable  preparations  to 
meet  it,  and  requested  Admiral  Arbuthnot  to 
be  ready  with  his  fleet.  After  considerable 
delay  he  embarked  six  thousand  troops  at 
Frog's  Neck,  intending  to  proceed  through  the 
Sound  and  cooperate  with  the  fleet  in  an  at- 


^Ex.  48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  97 

tack  on  the  French  at  Newport.  In  the  mean 
time  Count  de  Rochambeau,  aided  by  General 
Heath,  then  present  with  the  French  army, 
called  in  the  militia  of  the  neighboring  coun 
try,  and  increased  the  force  at  Newport  so 
much,  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  despairing  of 
success,  landed  his  men  at  Whitestone,  on 
Long  Island,  and  returned  to  New  York,  with 
out  effecting  any  part  of  his  object.  Another 
reason  for  his  sudden  return  was,  that  Wash 
ington  had  drawn  his  army  across  the  Hudson, 
and  taken  a  position  on  the  east  side  of  that 
river,  from  which  he  might  attack  the  city 
during  the  absence  of  so  large  a  portion  of  the 
troops.  It  was  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  first  hope, 
that,  by  the  aid  of  the  fleet,  he  should  be  able 
to  complete  his  expedition  against  Newport, 
and  come  back  to  New  York  before  Washing 
ton  could  assume  an  attitude  which  would 
menace  the  city ;  but  in  this  he  was  disap 
pointed. 

Having  a  decided  naval  superiority,  howev 
er,  Admiral  Arbuthnot  blockaded  the  French 
squadron  in  the  harbor  of  Newport,  and  Count 
de  Rochambeau's  army  was  obliged  to  remain 
there  for  its  protection.  This  state  of  things 
continued  through  the  season,  and  no  military 
enterprise  was  undertaken.  The  second  French 
division  was  blockaded  at  Brest,  and  never 

VOL.  n.  7 


98  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

came  to  America ;  and  the  Count  de  Guichen 
sailed  from  the  West  Indies  to  France  without 
touching  in  any  part  of  the  United  States. 
Both  parties,  therefore,  stood  on  the  defensive, 
watching  each  other's  motions,  and  depending 
on  the  operations  of  the  British  and  French 
fleets.  General  Washington  recrossed  the 
Hudson,  and  encamped  below  Orangetown,  or 
Tappan,  on  the  borders  of  New  Jersey,  which 
station  he  held  till  winter. 

In  this  interval  of  leisure,  a  conference  be 
tween  the  commanders  of  the  two  allied  ar 
mies  was  suggested  by  Count  de  Rochambeau, 
and  readily  assented  to  by  General, Washing 
ton.  They  met  at  Hartford  in  Connecticut, 
on  the  21st  of  September.  During  the  ab 
sence  of  General  Washington,  the  army  was 
left  under  the  command  of  General  Greene. 
The  interview  was  more  interesting  and  ser 
viceable  in  cementing  a  personal  friendship, 
and  promoting  amicable  relations  between  the 
parties,  than  important  in  establishing  an  ulte 
rior  system  of  action.  Nothing  indeed  could 
be  positively  agreed  upon,  since  a  naval  supe 
riority  was  absolutely  essential  to  any  enter 
prise  by  land,  and  this  superiority  did  not  ex 
ist.  All  the  plans  that  were  brought  into  view, 
therefore,  rested  on  contingencies,  and  in  the 
end  these  were  unfavorable  to  a  combined  op 
eration. 


2ET.48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  99 

At  this  time  General  Arnold  held  the  com 
mand  at  West  Point  and  other  fortified  posts 
in  the  Highlands.  No  officer  in  the  American 
army  had  acquired  higher  renown  for  military 
talents,  activity,  and  courage.  He  had  signal 
ized  himself  at  the  taking  of  Ticonderoga,  by 
his  expedition  through  the  wilderness  to  Clue- 
bee,  in  a  naval  engagement  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  in  a  rencontre  with  the  enemy  at  Dan- 
bury,  and  above  all  in  the  decisive  action  at 
Saratoga.  When  the  British  evacuated  Phila 
delphia,  he  was  appointed  to  the  command  in 
that  city,  being  disabled  by  his  wounds  for 
immediate  active  service.  Arrogant,  fond  of 
display,  and  extravagant  in  his  style  of  living, 
he  was  soon  involved  in  difficulties,"  which  led 
to  his  ruin.  His  debts  accumulated,  and,  to 
relieve  himself  from  embarrassment  and  indulge 
his  passion  for  parade,  he  resorted  to  practices 
discreditable  to  him  as  an  officer  and  a  man. 
Heavy  charges  were  exhibited  against  him  by 
the  President  and  Council  of  Pennsylvania, 
which  were  referred  to  a  court-martial.  Af 
ter  a  thorough  investigation,  the  court  sen 
tenced  him  to  receive  a  public  reprimand  from 
the  Commander-in-chief.  He  had  previously 
presented  to  Congress  large  claims  against  the 
United  States  on  account  of  money,  which  he 
said  he  had  expended  for  the  public  service  in 


100  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

Canada.  These  claims  were  examined,  and 
in  part  disallowed.  In  the  opinion  of  many, 
they  were  such  as  to  authorize  a  suspicion  of 
his  integrity,  if  not  to  afford  evidence  of  de 
liberate  fraud. 

These  censures,  added  to  the  desperate  state 
of  his  private  affairs,  were  more  than  the  pride 
of  Arnold  could  bear.  At  once  to  take  re 
venge,  and  to  retrieve  his  fortunes,  he  resolved 
to  become  a  traitor  to  his  country,  and  seek 
employment  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy.  This 
purpose  was  so  far  fixed  in  his  mind  fifteen 
months  before  its  consummation,  that  he  then 
began,  and  continued  afterwards,  a  secret  cor 
respondence  with  Major  Andre,  adjutant-gen 
eral  of  the  British  army.  The  more  easily  to 
effect  his  designs,  he  sought  and  obtained  the 
command  at  West  Point,  where  he  arrived  the 
first  week  in  August.  From  that  time  it  was 
his  aim,  by  a  plan  concerted  with  the  British 
general,  to  deliver  West  Point  and  the  other 
posts  of  the  Highlands  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy. 

The  absence  of  Washington  from  the  army, 
on  his  visit  to  Hartford,  was  thought  to  afford 
a  fit  occasion  for  bringing  the  affair  to  a  crisis. 
The  Vulture  sloop  of  war  ascended  the  Hud 
son,  and  anchored  in  Haverstraw  Bay,  six  or 
seven  miles  below  King's  Ferry.  It  was  con- 


jEx.48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  101 

trived  that  a  meeting  should  take*  plaGe  Be 
tween  Arnold  and  Andre,  for  the  'purpose  of 
making  arrangements.  Andi*e  went  ashore 
from  the  Vulture  in  the  night  on  the  west  side 
of  the  river,  where  Arnold  was  waiting  to  re 
ceive  him.  They  remained  together  in  that 
place  till  the  dawn  of  day,  when,  their  busi 
ness  not  being  finished,  Arnold  persuaded  him 
to  go  to  the  house  of  Joshua  H.  Smith,  at 
some  distance  from  the  river,  where  he  was 
concealed  during  the  day.  Arnold  left  him  in 
the  morning  and  went  to  West  Point.  It  was 
Andre's  expectation  and  wish  to  return  to  the 
Vulture ;  but,  this  not  being  practicable,  he 
left  Smith's  house  in  the  dusk  of  the  evening 
on  horseback,  and  crossed  the  river  at  King's 
Ferry  with  a  written  pass  signed  by  Arnold, 
in  which  the  bearer  was  called  John  Anderson. 
Before  leaving  Smith's  house,  he  exchanged 
his  regimentals  for  a  citizen's  dress,  over  which 
he  wore  a  dark,  loose  great-coat. 

The  next  day  while  riding  alone  towards 
New  York,  he  was  suddenly  stopped  in  the 
road  by  three  armed  militia-men,  Paulding, 
Williams,  and  Van  Wart,  about  half  a  mile 
north  of  Tarrytown.  They  searched  him, 
and  found  papers  secreted  in  his  boots.  From 
this  discovery  they  inferred  that  he  was  a  spy  ; 
and,  taking  him  back  to  the  nearest  American 


102  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

outpost  ,at.  North  Castle,  they  delivered  him 
>  Qye^  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Jameson,  who  was 
*stat1pj.ie£d  ^trje.re  with  a  party  of  dragoons. 
Jameson  examined  the  papers,  and  knew  them 
to  be  in  the  handwriting  of  Arnold.  They 
were  of  a  very  extraordinary  character,  con 
taining  an  exact  account  of  the  state  of  things 
at  West  Point,  and  of  the  strength  of  the  gar 
rison,  with  remarks  on  the  different  works,  and 
a  report  of  a  council  of  war  recently  held  at 
the  head-quarters  of  the  army.  Jameson  was 
amazed  and  bewildered.  He  sent  a  messen 
ger  to  Arnold  with  a  letter,  stating  that  a  pris 
oner,  who  called  himself  John  Anderson,  had 
been  brought  to  him  and  was  then  in  custody, 
and  that  papers  had  been  found  upon  his  per 
son,  which  seemed  to  him  of  a  dangerous  ten 
dency.  At  the  same  time  he  despatched  an 
express  to  General  Washington,  then  supposed 
to  be  on  the  road  returning  from  Hartford. 
This  express  was  the  bearer  of  the  papers, 
which  had  been  taken  from  Andre's  boots. 

The  next  morning  Andre  was  sent,  under 
the  charge  of  Major  Tallmadge,  to  Colonel 
Sheldon's  quarters  at  New  Salem  for  greater 
security.  Being  now  convinced  that  there 
was  no  hope  of  escape,  he  wrote  a  letter  to 
General  Washington  revealing  his  name  and 
true  character.  Till  this  time  no  one  about  him 


J£T.  4S.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  103 

knew  who  he  was,  or  that  he  held  a  military 
rank.  He  submitted  the  letter  to  Major  Tall- 
madge  and  other  officers,  who  read  it  with  as 
tonishment. 

Having  finished  his  interview  with  the 
French  commanders,  Washington  returned 
from  Hartford  by  the  upper  route  through 
Fishkill.  Consequently  the  express,  who  was 
sent  with  the  papers,  and  who  took  the  lower 
route,  by  which  Washington  had  gone  to  Hart 
ford,  did  not  meet  him,  but  came  back  to  North 
Castle.  In  the  mean  time  Washington  pur 
sued  his  journey  by  the  way  of  Fishkill  to 
West  Point.  Two  or  three  hours  before  he 
reached  Arnold's  house,  which  was  on  the  side 
of  the  river  opposite  to  West  Point  and  at  a 
considerable  distance  below,  the  messenger  ar 
rived  there  with  the  letter  from  Jameson,  by 
which  Arnold  was  informed  of  the  capture  of 
Andre.  He  read  it  with  some  degree  of  agita 
tion,  and,  pretending  that  he  was  suddenly 
called  to  West  Point,  mounted  a  horse  stand 
ing  at  the  door,  rode  to  the  river,  entered  his 
barge,  and  ordered  the  men  to  row  down  the 
stream.  When  the  barge  approached  King's 
Ferry,  he  held  up  a  white  handkerchief,  and 
the  officer  who  commanded  at  Verplanck's 
Point,  supposing  it  to  be  a  flag-boat,  allowed  it 
to  pass  without  inspection.  Arnold  proceeded 


104  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

directly  to  the  Vulture,  which  was  still  at  an 
chor  in  the  river  near  the  place  where  Andre 
had  left  it. 

Washington  arrived  at  Arnold's  house,  and 
went  over  to  West  Point,  without  hearing  any 
thing  of  Arnold.  On  his  return,  however,  in 
the  afternoon  he  received  the  abovementioned 
letter  from  Andre,  and  the  papers  found  in  his 
boots,  which  had  been  forwarded  from  North 
Castle.  The  plot  was  now  unravelled.  The 
first  thing  to  be  done  was  to  secure  the  posts. 
Orders  were  immediately  despatched  to  all  the 
principal  officers,  and  every  precaution  was 
taken. 

Andre  was  first  removed  to  West  Point,  and 
thence  to  the  head-quarters  of  the  army  at 
Tappan.  A  board  of  officers  was  summoned, 
and  directed  to  inquire  into  the  case  of  Major 
Andre,  report  the  facts,  and  give  their  opinion, 
both  in  regard  to  the  nature  of  his  oifence,  and 
to  the  punishment  that  ought  to  be  awarded. 
Various  papers  were  laid  before  the  board,  and 
Andre  himself  was  questioned,  and  desired  to 
make  such  statements  and  explanations  as  he 
chose.  After  a  full  investigation  the  board  re 
ported,  that  the  prisoner  came  on  shore  in  the 
night,  to  hold  a  private  and  secret  interview 
with  General  Arnold  j  that  he  changed  his 
dress  within  the  American  lines,  and  passed 


jEx.48.]  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  105 

the  guards  in  a  disguised  habit  and  under  a 
feigned  name  :  that  he  was  taken  in  the  same 
disguised  habit,  having  in  his  possession  sever 
al  papers,  which  contained  intelligence  for  the 
enemy  ;  and  that  he  ought  to  be  considered  as 
a  spy,  and,  according  to  the  law  and  usage  of 
nations,  to  suffer  death.  General  Washington 
approved  this  decision  ;  and  Major  Andre  was 
executed  at  Tappan  on  the  2d  of  October. 

While  Andre's  case  was  pending,  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  used  every  effort  in  his  power  to  res 
cue  him  from  his  fate.  He  wrote  to  General 
Washington,  and  endeavored  to  show,  that  he 
could  not  be  regarded  as  a  spy,  inasmuch  as  he 
came  on  shore  at  the  request  of  an  American 
general,  and  afterwards  acted  by  his  direction. 
Connected  with  all  the  circumstances,  this  ar 
gument  could  have  no  weight.  That  he  was 
drawn  into  a  snare  by  a  traitor  did  not  make 
him  the  less  a  spy.  As  the  guilt  of  Arnold 
was  the  cause  of  all  the  evils  that  followed,  an 
exchange  of  him  for  Andre  would  have  been 
accepted  ;  but  no  such  proposal  was  intimated 
by  the  British  general ;  and  perhaps  it  could 
not  be  done  consistently  with  honor  and  the 
course  already  pursued.  From  the  moment 
of  his  capture  till  that  of  his  execution,  the 
conduct  of  Andre  was  marked  with  a  candor, 
self-possession,  and  dignity ,  which  betokened  a 


106  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

brave  and  noble  spirit.  There  was  no  stronger 
trait  in  the  character  of  Washington  than  hu 
manity  ;  the  misfortunes  and  sufferings  of  oth 
ers  touched  him  keenly ;  and  his  feelings  were 
deeply  moved  at  the  part  he  was  compelled 
to  act  in  consenting  to  the  death  of  Andre; 
yet  justice  to  the  office  he  held,  and  to  the 
cause  for  which  his  countrymen  were  shedding 
their  blood,  left  him  no  alternative.* 

While  these  operations  were  going  on  at  the 
north,  all  the  intelligence  from  the  south  gave 
evidence,  that  affairs  in  that  quarter  were  as 
suming  a  gloomy  aspect.  The  British  forces, 
with  Lord  Cornwallis  at  their  head,  were  over 
running  the  Carolinas,  and  preparations  were 
making  in  New  York  to  detach  a  squadron 
with  troops  to  fall  upon  Virginia.  The  defeat 
of  General  Gates  near  Camden,  in  South  Car 
olina,  was  a  heavy  blow  upon  the  Americans, 
and  left  them  in  a  state  from  which  it  was 
feared  they  would  not  soon  recover.  Congress 
requested  General  Washington  to  appoint  an 
officer  to  succeed  Gates  in  the  command  of  the 
southern  army.  With  his  usual  determination 
and  judgment  he  selected  General  Greene,  who 
repaired  to  the  theatre  of  action,  in  which  he 

*  A  full  and  detailed  account  of  the  particulars  relating 
to  this  subject  is  contained  in  SPARKS'S  Life  and  Trea 
son  of  Arnold. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  107 


was   so   eminently   distinguished   during    the 
subsequent  years  of  the  war. 

Gaining  an  increased  confidence  in  the 
Commander-in-chief,  which  a  long  experience 
of  his  wisdom  and  disinterestedness  author- 
!  ized,  Congress  at  length  adopted  the  important 
i  measures,  in  regard  to  the  army,  which  he  had 
earnestly  and  repeatedly  advised  and  enforced. 
They  decreed  that  all  the  troops,  thenceforward 
to  be  raised,  should  be  enlisted  to  serve  during 
the  war  ;  and  that  all  the  officers,  who  contin 
ued  in  the  service  to  the  end  of  the  war,  should 
be  entitled  to  half-pay  for  life.  Washington 
ever  believed,  that,  if  this  system  had  been 
pursued  from  the  beginning,  it  would  have 
shortened  the  war,  or  at  least  have  caused  a 
great  diminution  in  the  expense.  Unfortunate 
ly  the  States  did  not  comply  with  the  former 
part  of  the  requisition,  but  adhered  to  the  old 
method  of  filling  up  their  quotas  with  men 
raised  for  three  years  and  for  shorter  terms. 
The  extreme  difficulty  of  procuring  recruits 
was  the  reason  assigned  for  persevering  in  this 
practice. 

Lafayette  commanded  six  battalions  of  light 
infantry,  stationed  in  advance  of  the  main  ar 
my.  He  projected  a  descent  upon  Staten  Isl 
and,  but  was  prevented  from  executing  it  by 
the  want  of  boats.  A  plan  was  likewise  formed 


108  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1780. 

for  a  general  attack  on  the  north  part  of  New 
York  Island.  The  enemy's  posts  were  recon 
noitred,  extensive  preparations  were  made, 
and  a  large  foraging  party  was  sent  into  West- 
chester  County  to  mask  the  design,  and  draw 
the  attention  of  the  enemy  that  way.  But 
the  sudden  appearance  of  several  armed  vessels 
in  the  river  caused  the  enterprise  to  be  deferred 
and  finally  abandoned.  The  foraging  expedi 
tion,  conducted  by  General  Stark,  was  suc 
cessful. 

The  army  went  into  winter  quarters  at  the 
end  of  November ;  the  Pennsylvania  line  near 
Morristown,  the  New  Jersey  regiments  at 
Pompton,  and  the  eastern  troops  in  the  High 
lands.  The  head-quarters  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief  were  at  New  Windsor.  The  French 
army  remained  at  Newport,  except  the  Duke 
de  Lauzun's  legion,  which  was  cantoned  at 
Lebanon  in  Connecticut. 


.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  109 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 

Mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  Troops.  —  Agency  of 
Washington  in  procuring  Supplies  from  France.  —  Operations 
of  the  Enemy  in  the  Chesapeake.  —  Detachment  to  Virginia 
under  Lafayette.  —  General  Washington  visits  Count  de  Ro- 
chambeau  at  Newport.  —  Condition  of  the  Army.  —  Interview 
between  the  American  and  French  Commanders  at  Weathers- 
field.  —  Plan  of  Operations.  —  A  Combined  Attack  on  New 
York  proposed. 

THE  year  1781  opened  with  an  event, 
which  filled  the  country  with  alarm,  and 
threatened  dangerous  consequences.  On  the 
1st  of  January  a  mutiny  broke  out  among  the 
Pennsylvania  troops,  stationed  near  Morristown, 
and  about  thirteen  hundred  men  paraded  under 
arms,  refused  obedience  to  their  officers,  killed 
one  captain,  mortally  wounded  another,  and 
committed  various  outrages.  The  mutineers 
marched  in  a  body  towards  Princeton  with  six 
fieldpieces,  avowing  their  intention  to  proceed 
to  Philadelphia,  and  demand  from  Congress  a 
redress  of  their  grievances.  They  complained 
that  their  pay  was  in  arrears,  that  they  were 
obliged  to  receive  it  in  a  depreciated  currency, 
that  many  of  the  soldiers  were  detained  be 
yond  the  term  of  their  enlistment,  and  that 
they  had  suffered  every  hardship  for  the  want 


110  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

of  money,  provisions,  and  clothing.  By  the 
prudence  and  good  management  of  General 
Wayne,  who  took  care  to  supply  them  with 
provisions  on  their  march,  they  were  kept  from 
plundering  the  inhabitants  and  other  excesses. 
He  sent  the  intelligence  of  the  revolt  by  an 
express  to  General  Washington,  who,  consid 
ering  the  number  of  the  mutineers,  and  the 
apparent  justice  of  their  complaints,  recom 
mended  to  him  not  to  use  force,  which  might 
inflame  their  passions,  increase  opposition,  keep 
alive  resentment,  and  tempt  them  to  turn 
about  and  go  to  the  enemy,  who  would  not 
fail  to  hold  out  alluring  offers.  He  advised 
General  Wayne  to  draw  from  them  a  statement 
of  their  grievances,  and  promise  to  represent 
the  case  faithfully  to  Congress  and  the  State 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  endeavor  to  obtain  re 
dress. 

These  judicious  counsels  had  the  effect  de 
sired.  A  committee  of  Congress,  joined  by 
the  President  of  Pennsylvania,  met  the  revolt- 
ers  at  Trenton,  and  made  proposals  to  them, 
which  were  accepted,  and  they  gave  up  their 
arms.  An  ambiguity  in  the  written  terms  of 
enlistment  was  one  of  the  principal  causes  of 
dissatisfaction.  The  agreement  on  the  part  of 
the  soldiers  was,  to  serve  for  three  years  or 
during  the  war.  By  the  interpretation,  which 


jET.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  HI 

the  officers  gave  to  these  expressions,  they 
bound  the  soldiers  to  serve  to  the  end  of  the 
war ;  whereas  the  soldiers  insisted  that  they 
engaged  for  three  years  only,  or  during  the 
war  if  it  should  come  to  an  end  before  the 
three  years  had  elapsed.  Accordingly  they 
demanded  a  discharge  at  the  expiration  of  that 
period.  This  construction  being  allowed,  it 
was  the  means  of  disbanding  a  large  part  of 
the  Pennsylvania  line  for  the  winter,  but  it 
was  recruited  again  in  the  spring  to  its  original 
complement.  The  revolters  were  indignant 
at  the  suspicion  of  their  going  to  the  enemy, 
and  scorned  the  idea,  as  they  expressed  it,  of 
turning  Arnolds.  Two  emissaries  sent  among 
them  with  overtures  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
were  given  up,  tried  by  a  court-martial,  and 
executed. 

Not  knowing  how  far  this  example  might 
infect  the  troops  generally,  the  sufferings  of  all 
of  whom  were  not  less  than  those  of  the 
Pennsylvania  line,  General  Washington  took 
speedy  measures  to  prevent  the  repetition  of 
such  a  scene  as  had  just  occurred.  He  order 
ed  a  thousand  trusty  men  to  be  selected  from 
the  regiments  in  the  Highlands,  and  held  in 
readiness  to  march,  with  four  days'  provisions, 
at  the  shortest  notice.  The  wisdom  of  this 
precaution  was  soon  put  to  the  proof;  for  news 


112  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

came,  that  the  New  Jersey  troops,  stationed  at 
Pompton  and  Chatham,  were  in  a  state  of  mu 
tiny,  having  risen  in  arms  against  their  officers, 
and  threatened  to  march  to  Trenton,  where  the 
legislature  of  the  State  was  then  in  session, 
and  demand  redress  at  the  point  of  the  bayo 
net.  The  case  required  promptness  and  ener 
gy.  Six  hundred  men  were  put  under  the 
command  of  General  Howe,  with  orders  to 
march  and  crush  the  revolt  by  force,  unless 
the  men  should  yield  unconditional  submission 
and  return  to  their  duty.  These  orders  were 
faithfully  executed.  Taken  by  surprise,  the 
mutineers  were  compelled  to  parade  without 
their  arms,  make  concessions  to  their  officers, 
and  promise  obedience.  To  impress  them 
with  the  enormity  of  their  guilt,  and  deter 
them  and  others  from  future  acts  of  the  kind, 
two  of  the  ringleaders  were  tried  by  a  field 
court-martial  and  shot.  By  this  summary  pro 
ceeding  the  spirit  of  mutiny  in  the  army  was 
subdued. 

In  the  midst  of  these  distracting  events 
Washington  was  employed,  at  the  request  of 
Congress,  in  affording  important  counsels  to 
Colonel  John  Laurens,  who  had  been  appoint 
ed  on  a  mission  to  France,  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  a  loan  and  military  supplies.  Such 
was  the  deranged  state  of  the  currency,  so 


jEr.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  113 

low  had  the  resources  of  the  country  been 
drained,  and  so  feeble  was  the  power  of  draw 
ing  them  out,  that,  in  the  opinion  of  all,  the 
military  efforts  of  the  United  States  could  not 
be  exerted  with  a  vigor  suited  to  the  exigency 
of  the  occasion,  nor  even  with  any  thing  more 
than  a  languishing  inactivity,  unless  sustained 
by  succors  from  their  allies  both  in  money  and 
supplies  for  the  army.  The  sentiments  of 
Washington,  communicating  the  fruits  of  his 
knowledge,  experience,  and  judgment,  with 
the  weight  of  his  name,  were  thought  essen 
tial  to  produce  a  just  impression  on  the  French 
cabinet.  He  wrote  a  letter  to  Colonel  Laurens, 
remarkable  for  its  appropriateness  and  ability, 
containing  a  clear  and  forcible  representation 
of  facts,  with  arguments  in  support  of  the  ap 
plication  of  Congress,  which  was  first  present 
ed  by  that  commissioner  to  Dr.  Franklin,  and 
afterwards  laid  before  the  ministry  and  the 
King.  The  influence  of  this  letter,  in  pro 
curing  the  aids  solicited  from  the  French  gov 
ernment,  may  be  inferred  from  the  circum 
stance  of  a  recent  loan  being  accompanied  with 
the  suggestion,  that  the  money  to  be  appropri 
ated  for  the  army  should  be  left  at  the  disposal 
of  General  Washington. 

The  British  general  seems  not  to  have  med 
itated  any  offensive  operations  in  the  northern 

VOL.   II.  8 


114  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

States  for  the  coming  campaign.  His  atten 
tion  was  chiefly  directed  to  the  south,  where 
such  detachments  as  could  be  spared  from  his 
army  at  New  York  were  to  cooperate  with 
Lord  Cornwallis.  Sixteen  hundred  men,  with 
a  proportionate  number  of  armed  vessels,  were 
sent  into  the  Chesapeake  under  the  command 
of  Arnold,  who  was  eager  to  prove  his  zeal  for 
the  cause  of  his  new  friends  by  the  mischief 
he  could  do  to  those,  whom  he  had  deserted 
and  sought  to  betray.  Before  his  arrival  in 
the  Chesapeake,  General  Leslie  had  left  Vir 
ginia  and  sailed  for  Charleston  ;  so  that  Arnold 
received  the  undivided  honor  of  his  exploits, 
and,  what  he  valued  more  highly,  a  liberal 
share  of  the  booty  that  fell  into  his  hands. 
He  burnt  Richmond,  seized  private  property, 
and  committed  depredations  in  sundry  places. 

About  the  middle  of  January  the  British 
fleet  blockading  the  harbor  of  Newport  was  so 
much  shattered  and  dispersed  by  a  violent 
storm,  that  the  scale  of  superiority  turned  in 
favor  of  the  French  squadron.  The  Chevalier 
de  Ternay  had  recently  died,  and  M.  Destou- 
ches,  who  succeeded  him  in  the  command, 
reconnoitred  the  enemy's  fleet  after  the  storm, 
and.  finding  it  well  secured  in  Gardiner's  Bay, 
at  the  east  end  of  Long  Island,  he  was  not  in 
clined  to  seek  an  engagement.  Taking  ad- 


^T.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  115 

vantage  of  the  opportunity,  however,  he  de 
tached  a  ship  of  the  line  and  two  frigates  un 
der  M.  de  Tilly  to  the  Chesapeake,  with  the 
design  to  blockade  Arnold's  squadron,  and  to 
act  against  him  in  concert  with  the  American 
troops  on  land.  As  soon  as  General  Washing 
ton  heard  of  the  damage  suffered  by  the  Brit 
ish  ships,  he  wrote  to  Count  de  Rochambeau, 
recommending  that  M.  Destouches  should  pro 
ceed  immediately  to  Virginia  with  his  whole 
fleet  and  a  thousand  troops  from  the  French 
army.  This  advice  was  not  received  till  after 
the  departure  of  M.  de  Tilly  from  Newport, 
when  it  was  too  late  to  comply  with  it,  as  the 
British  fleet  in  the  mean  time  had  gained 
strength,  and  made  it  hazardous  for  M.  Des 
touches  to  leave  the  harbor. 

M.  de  Tilly's  expedition  was  only  in  part 
successful.  He  entered  the  Chesapeake,  but 
Arnold  drew  his  vessels  so  high  up  the  Eliza 
beth  River,  that  they  could  not  be  reached  by 
the  French  line-of-battle  ship  j  and  one  of  the 
frigates  ran  aground,  and  was  set  afloat  again 
with  difficulty.  As  M.  de  Tilly  could  not 
remain  long  in  the  Chesapeake  without  the 
risk  of  being  blockaded  by  a  British  force,  he 
put  to  sea,  and  arrived  at  Newport  after  an  ab 
sence  of  fifteen  days. 

Although  the  British  had  repaired  their  dam- 


116  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

aged  vessels,  yet  by  the  junction  of  M.  de 
Tilly  an  equality  was  restored  to  the  French  ; 
and  M.  Destouches,  in  conformity  to  the  rec 
ommendation  of  General  Washington,  resolved 
on  an  expedition  to  Virginia  with  his  whole 
naval  force,  to  which  Count  de  Rochambeau 
added  eleven  hundred  troops,  commanded  by 
Baron  de  Viomenil.  The  French  were  pur 
sued  by  Admiral  Arbuthnot  with  all  his  block 
ading  squadron,  and  overtaken  near  the  capes 
of  Virginia,  where  an  action  ensued,  which 
terminated  with  nearly  equal  honor  to  both 
parties.  The  object  of  the  expedition  was 
thus  defeated,  unless  it  was  a  part  of  M.  Des- 
touches's  purpose  to  bring  on  a  naval  engage 
ment,  which  is  not  improbable.  The  fleet 
returned  to  Newport  without  attempting  to 
enter  the  Chesapeake. 

The  moment  Washington  received  the  in 
telligence,  that  M.  de  Tilly  had  sailed  to  the 
southward,  he  detached  twelve  hundred  men 
from  his  army  to  proceed  by  land  to  the  Ches 
apeake  and  cooperate  with  the  French  against 
Arnold.  At  the  head  of  this  detachment  he 
placed  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  being  influ 
enced  in  his  choice  both  by  a  political  motive, 
and  by  his  confidence  in  the  ability  and  bra 
very  of  that  officer.  The  appointment  was 
complimentary  to  the  allies,  and  it  was  thought 


jEx.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  117 

that  harmony  would  be  more  surely  preserved 
by  a  commander,  who  was  beloved  by  the 
American  troops,  and  respected  for  his  rank 
and  character  by  his  own  countrymen.  La 
fayette  marched  from  Hudson's  River  on  the 
20th  of  February.  On  his  arrival  in  Virginia, 
his  seniority  of  rank  would  give  him  the  com 
mand  of  all  the  Continental  troops  in  that 
State,  and  of  all  the  militia  drawn  into  the 
-service  to  oppose  the  enemy  in  the  waters  of 
the  Chesapeake.  Hitherto  Baron  Steuben  had 
conducted  the  operations  against  Arnold  in 
Virginia,  having  been  detained  for  that  purpose 
when  on  his  way  to  join  General  Greene. 

To  mature  the  plans  for  the  campaign,  and 
to  communicate  with  the  French  commanders, 
on  points  that  could  not  be  safely  intrusted  to 
writing,  General  Washington  made  a  journey 
to  Newport.  He  left  head-quarters  on  the  2d 
of  March,  and  was  absent  nearly  three  weeks. 
He  arrived  a  day  or  two  before  M.  Destouches's 
departure  on  the  expedition  above  mentioned. 
The  citizens  of  Newport  received  him  with  a 
public  address,  expressive  of  their  attachment, 
their  gratitude  for  his  services,  and  the  joy 
they  felt  at  seeing  him  among  them.  In  his 
reply,  he  took  care  to  reciprocate  and  confirm 
the  sentiments,  which  they  had  declared  in 
regard  to  the  allies.  "  The  conduct  of  the 


118  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

French  army  and  fleet,"  said  he,  "  of  which 
the  inhabitants  testify  so  grateful  and  so  affec 
tionate  a  sense,  at  the  same  time  that  it  evin 
ces  the  wisdom  of  the  commanders  and  the 
discipline  of  the  troops,  is  a  new  proof  of  the 
magnanimity  of  the  nation.  It  is  a  further 
demonstration  of  that  generous  zeal  and  con 
cern  for  the  happiness  of  America,  which 
brought  them  to  our  assistance,  a  happy  pre 
sage  of  future  harmony,  a  pleasing  evidence 
that  an  intercourse  between  the  two  nations 
will  more  and  more  cement  the  union,  by  the 
solid  and  lasting  ties  of  mutual  affection."  In 
short,  the  meeting  between  the  commanders 
of  the  allied  armies  was  in  all  respects  satisfac 
tory  to  both  parties  ;  but  the  projects  of  the 
enemy  were  so  uncertain,  and  future  operations 
depended  so  much  on  contingent  and  unfore 
seen  events,  that  nothing  more  could  be  agreed 
upon,  than  general  arrangements  for  acting  in 
concert  at  such  times  and  places  as  circum 
stances  should  require. 

Although  the  design  of  the  British  general 
was  not  then  known,  it  appeared  afterward  that 
he  aimed  to  transfer  the  seat  of  war  to  the 
Chesapeake,  and  if  possible  to  Pennsylvania. 
This  scheme  was  urged  by  Lord  Cornwallis, 
who  was  of  the  opinion  that  it  ought  to  be 
pursued  even  at  the  expense  of  abandoning 


^Er.  49.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  119 

New  York.  To  aid  in  effecting  it,  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  sent  another  detachment  to  Virginia, 
consisting  of  two  thousand  men,  under  General 
Phillips,  who  was  ordered  to  cooperate  with 
Arnold,  and  ultimately  with  Lord  Cornwallis, 
it  being  presumed  that  Cormvallis  would  make 
his  way  through  North  Carolina,  and  be  able 
to  succor  these  troops  in  Virginia,  and  probably 
to  join  them  with  his  army. 

The  first  object  of  Lafayette's  expedition 
was  to  act  in  conjunction  with  the  French 
fleet ;  but,  as  no  part  of  the  fleet  entered  the 
Chesapeake,  he  was  disappointed  in  that  pur 
pose.  His  troops  advanced  no  further  than 
Annapolis,  although  he  went  forward  himself 
to  Williamsburg.  Having  ascertained  that  an 
English  squadron  had  entered  the  Chesapeake, 
instead  of  the  French,  he  immediately  prepar 
ed  to  return  with  his  detachment  to  the  main 
army  near  the  Hudson.  He  proceeded  by 
water  to  the  Head  of  Elk,  where  he  received 
additional  instructions  from  General  Washing 
ton,  directing  him  to  march  to  the  south,  and 
either  meet  the  enemy  in  Virginia,  or  continue 
onward  to  the  southern  army,  as  should  be  ad 
vised  by  General  Greene. 

The  enemy  ascended  the  Chesapeake  Bay 
and  its  principal  rivers,  with  their  small  armed 
vessels,  plundering  and  laying  waste  the  prop- 


120  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

erty  of  the  inhabitants.  One  of  these  vessels 
came  up  the  Potomac  to  Mount  Vernon  j  and 
the  manager  of  the  estate,  with  the  hope  of 
saving  the  houses  from  being  pillaged  and 
burnt,  yielded  to  the  demands  of  the  officers 
in  a  manner,  which  excited  the  regret  and  dis 
pleasure  of  Washington.  In  reply  to  his  man 
ager,  who  had  informed  him  of  the  particulars, 
he  said ;  "I  am  very  sorry  to  hear  of  your 
loss ;  I  am  a  little  sorry  to  hear  of  my  own  j 
but  that  which  gives  me  most  concern  is,  that 
you  should  go  on  board  the  enemy's  vessels, 
and  furnish  them  with  refreshments.  It  would 
have  been  a  less  painful  circumstance  to  me  to 
have  heard,  that,  in  consequence  of  your  non- 
compliance  with  their  request,  they  had  burn 
ed  my  house  and  laid  the  plantation  in  ruins. 
You  ought  to  have  considered  yourself  as  my 
representative,  and  should  have  reflected  on 
the  bad  example  of  communicating  with  the 
enemy,  and  making  a  voluntary  offer  of  re 
freshments  to  them  with  a  view  to  prevent  a 
conflagration.  It  was  not  in  your  power,  I  ac 
knowledge,  to  prevent  them  from  sending  a 
flag  on  shore,  and  you  did  right  to  meet  it ;  but 
you  should,  in  the  same  instant  that  the  busi 
ness  of  it  was  unfolded,  have  declared  explicit 
ly,  that  it  was  improper  for  you  to  yield  to  the 
request ;  after  which,  if  they  had  proceeded  to 


^T.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  121 

help  themselves  by  force,  you  could  but  have 
submitted  ;  and,  being  unprovided  for  defence, 
this  was  to  be  preferred  to  a  feeble  opposition, 
which  only  serves  as  a  pretext  to  burn  and  de 
stroy."  The  reader  need  not  be  reminded  of 
the  accordance  of  these  sentiments  with  the 
noble  disinterestedness,  which  regulated  his 
conduct  through  the  whole  of  his  public  life. 

An  extract  from  his  diary,  written  on  the  1st 
of  May,  will  exhibit  in  a  striking  manner  the 
condition  of  the  army  at  that  time,  and  the 
prospects  of  the  campaign. 

"  To  have  a  clearer  understanding  of  the 
entries,  which  may  follow,  it  would  be  proper 
to  recite  in  detail  our  wants  and  our  prospects : 
but  this  alone  would  be  a  work  of  much  time 
and  great  magnitude.  It  may  suffice  to  give 
the  sum  of  them,  which  I  shall  do  in  a  few 
words.  Instead  of  having  magazines  filled 
with  provisions,  we  have  a  scanty  pittance 
scattered  here  and  there  in  the  different  States  ; 
instead  of  having  our  arsenals  well  supplied 
with  military  stores,  they  are  poorly  provided 
and  the  workmen  all  leaving  them  ;  instead 
of  having  the  various  articles  of  field-equipage 
in  readiness  to  be  delivered,  the  quartermaster- 
general,  as  the  dernier  resort,  according  to  his 
account,  is  but  now  applying  to  the  several 
States  to  provide  these  things  for  their  troops 


122  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

respectively  ;  instead  of  having  a  regular  sys 
tem  of  transportation  established  upon  credit, 
or  funds  in  the  quartermaster's  hands  to  defray 
the  contingent  expenses  of  it,  we  have  neither 
the  one  nor  the  other,  and  all  that  business,  or 
a  great  part  of  it,  being  done  by  military  im 
press,  we  are  daily  and  hourly  oppressing  the 
people,  souring  their  tempers,  and  alienating 
their  affections;  instead  of  having  the  regi 
ments  completed  to  the  new  establishment, 
which  ought  to  have  been  done  agreeably  to 
the  requisitions  of  Congress,  scarce  any  State 
in  the  Union  has  at  this  hour  an  eighth  part 
of  its  quota  in  the  field,  and  little  prospect  that 
I  can  see  of  ever  getting  more  than  half;  in  a 
word,  instead  of  having  every  thing  in  readi 
ness  to  take  the  field,  we  have  nothing  ;  and, 
instead  of  having  the  prospect  of  a  glorious 
offensive  campaign  before  us,  we  have  a  be 
wildered  and  gloomy  defensive  one,  unless  we 
should  receive  a  powerful  aid  of  ships,  land 
troops,  and  money  from  our  generous  allies, 
and  these  at  present  are  too  contingent  to  build 
upon." 

Happily  the  train  of  affairs  took  a  more  fa 
vorable  turn  than  he  anticipated.  In  a  short 
time  he  received  the  cheering  intelligence,  that 
Count  de  Barras  had  arrived  in  Boston  harbor 
with  a  French  frigate,  that  other  vessels  and 


jET.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  123 

a  reinforcement  of  troops  from  France  might 
soon  be  looked  for,  and  that  a  fleet  under  the 
Count  de  Grasse  would  sail  from  the  West  In 
dies  to  the  United  States  in  July  or  August. 
Another  meeting  between  the  commanders  of 
the  allied  armies  was  thus  rendered  necessary. 
It  took  place  at  Weathersfield,  in  Connecticut, 
on  the  22d  of  May.  Count  de  Barras,  having 
succeeded  M.  Destouches  in  the  command  of 
the  French  squadron,  was  detained  at  New 
port  by  the  appearance  of  a  British  fleet  off 
the  harbor  ;  but  the  Marquis  de  Chastellux,  a 
major-general  in  the  army,  accompanied  Count 
de  Rochambeau.  On  the  part  of  the  Ameri 
cans  were  the  Commander-in-chief,  General 
Knox,  and  General  Duportail. 

The  two  principal  objects  brought  under 
consideration  were  ;  first,  a  southern  expedi 
tion  to  act  against  the  enemy  in  Virginia  ;  sec 
ondly,  a  combined  attack  on  New  York.  The 
French  commander  leaned  to  the  former  ;  but 
he  yielded  to  the  stronger  reasons  for  the  latter, 
which  was  decidedly  preferred  by  General 
Washington.  A  movement  to  the  south  must 
be  wholly  by  land,  the  French  fleet  being  in 
ferior  to  that  of  Admiral  Arbuthnot,  by  which 
it  was  blockaded,  and  of  course  not  in  a  condi 
tion  to  go  to  sea.  The  difficulty  and  expense 
of  transportation,  the  season  of  the  year  in 


124  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

which  the  troops  would  reach  Virginia,  being 
the  hottest  part  of  summer,  and  the  waste  of 
men  always  attending  a  long  march,  were  for 
midable  objections  to  the  first  plan.  It  was 
believed,  also,  that  the  enemy's  force  in  New 
York  had  been  so  much  weakened  by  detach 
ments,  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton  would  be  com 
pelled  either  to  sacrifice  that  place  and  its  de 
pendencies,  or  recall  part  of  his  troops  from  the 
south  to  defend  them. 

It  was  therefore  agreed,  that  Count  de  Ro- 
chambeau  should  march  as  soon  as  possible 
from  Newport,  and  form  a  junction  with  the 
American  army  near  Hudson's  River.  Before 
leaving  Weathersfield,  a  circular  letter  was 
written  by  General  Washington  to  the  govern 
ors  of  the  eastern  States,  acquainting  them 
with  the  result  of  the  conference,  and  urging 
them  to  fill  up  their  quotas  of  Continental 
troops  with  all  possible  despatch,  and  to  hold  a 
certain  number  of  militia  in  readiness  to  march 
at  a  week's  notice.  If  men  could  not  be  ob 
tained  for  three  years,  or  during  the  war,  he 
recommended  that  they  should  be  enlisted  for 
the  campaign  only,  deeming  the  exigency  to 
be  of  the  greatest  importance,  both  in  a  milita 
ry  point  of  view  and  in  its  political  bearings  ; 
for  the  zeal  of  the  Americans,  arid  their  wil 
lingness  to  make  sacrifices  for  the  common 


^T.49.1  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  125 

cause,  would  be  estimated  by  the  manner  in 
which  they  should  now  second  the  efforts  of 
their  allies,  and  contribute  to  give  effect  to 
their  proffered  services.  A  body  of  militia 
was  likewise  to  be  called  to  Newport,  for  the 
defence  of  the  French  fleet  in  the  harbor  after 
the  departure  of  the  troops.  The  two  com 
manders  returned  to  their  respective  armies, 
and  prepared  to  put  their  plan  in  execution. 


126  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [1781. 


CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

Junction  between  the  American  and  French  Armies.  —  Intelli 
gence  from  Count  de  Grasse  in  the  West  Indies  changes  the 
Objects  of  the  Campaign.  —  Successful  Operations  of  Lafayette 
against  Cornwallis.  —  The  combined  Armies  cross  the  Hudson 
and  march  to  Virginia.  —  The  Fleet  of  Count  de  Grasse  enters 
the  Chesapeake.  —  Siege  of  Yorktown.  —  Capitulation.  —  The 
American  Army  returns  to  Hudson's  River  5  the  French  remains 
in  Virginia. 

THE  attention  of  the  Commander-in-chief 
was  but  partially  taken  up  with  the  affairs  un 
der  his  own  eye.  He  held  a  constant  corre 
spondence  with  General  Greene  and  Lafayette, 
who  kept  him  informed  of  the  operations  at 
the  south,  and  asked  his  advice  and  direction 
on  points  of  difficulty  and  importance.  The 
western  posts  beyond  the  Alleganies  were  also 
under  his  command,  and  required  much  of  his 
care.  Incursions  of  the  enemy  from  Canada 
kept  the  northern  frontier  in  a  state  of  alarm, 
and  a  considerable  portion  of  the  New  York 
troops  was  called  away  for  the  protection  of 
that  quarter. 

The  wants  of  the  army,  especially  in  the 
article  of  bread,  were  at  this  time  relieved  by 
the  generous  and  spirited  exertions  of  Robert 
Morris,  recently  appointed  Superintendent  of 
Finance  by  Congress.  He  procured  from  con- 


^Ex.  49.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  127 

tractors  two  thousand  barrels  of  flour,  promis 
ing  hard  money,  and  pledging  his  own  credit 
for  its  payment.  The  act  was  voluntary,  and 
the  relief  seasonable.  It  was  one  of  the  many 
valuable  services,  which  that  distinguished 
patriot  rendered  to  his  country. 

General  Washington  drew  the  several  parts 
of  his  army  out  of  their  quarters,  and  took  his 
first  position  near  Peekskill,  but  soon  advanced 
towards  New  York,  and  encamped  on  the  4th 
of  July  near  Dobbs's  Ferry,  and  about  twelve 
miles  from  Kingsbridge.  On  the  6th  he  was 
joined  by  Count  de  Rochambeau  with  the 
French  army,  which  had  marched  in  four  di 
visions  from  Providence  by  way  of  Hartford. 
The  Americans  encamped  in  two  lines,  with 
their  right  resting  on  the  Hudson.  The  French 
occupied  the  left,  in  a  single  line  extending  to 
the  river  Brunx. 

Preparations  were  made  for  an  attack  on  the 
north  part  of  New  York  Island  a  short  time 
before  the  junction  of  the  two  armies.  Gen 
eral  Lincoln  descended  the  Hudson  with  a  de 
tachment  of  eight  hundred  men  in  boats  for 
this  purpose,  landed  above  Haerlem  River,  and 
took  possession  of  the  high  ground  near  Kings- 
bridge.  At  the  same  time  the  Duke  de  Lau- 
zun  was  to  advance  from  East  Chester  with 
his  legion,  and  fall  upon  Delancey's  corps  of 


128  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

refugees  at  Morrisania.  Unforeseen  causes  pre 
vented  the  attack,  and  Lauzun  did  not  arrive 
in  season  to  effect  his  part  of  the  enterprise. 
After  some  skirmishing  the  enemy's  outposts 
were  withdrawn  to  the  other  side  of  Haerlem 
River.  General  Washington  came  forward 
with  the  main  army  as  far  as  Valentine's  Hill, 
four  miles  from  Kingsbridge,  to  support  Gen 
eral  Lincoln  in  case  it  should  be  necessary. 
The  troops  lay  upon  their  arms  during  the 
night,  and  the  next  day  retired  to  the  encamp 
ment  near  Dobbs's  Ferry. 

At  this  place  the  two  armies  continued  six 
weeks.  A  plan  of  a  general  attack  was  form 
ed,  and  the  two  commanders  reconnoitred  the 
enemy's  works,  first  by  passing  over  the  Hud 
son  and  viewing  them  across  the  river  from 
the  elevated  grounds  between  Dobbs's  Ferry 
and  Fort  Lee,  and  next  at  Kingsbridge  and 
other  places  in  its  vicinity.  But  the  recruits 
came  in  so  tardily  from  the  States,  that  the 
army  was  never  in  a  condition  to  authorize  an 
undertaking  of  such  magnitude  without  the 
cooperation  of  a  French  fleet  superior  to  the 
British  ;  more  especially  as  a  reinforcement  of 
about  three  thousand  Hessian  recruits  arrived 
in  New  York  from  Europe.  A  despatch  had 
early  been  sent  to  Count  de  Grasse  in  the  West 
Indies,  advising  him  to  sail  directly  to  Sandy 


^Ex.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  129 

Hook,  and  thus  secure  a  naval  superiority.  On 
this  contingency  depended  the  execution  of 
the  plan. 

While  these  operations  were  in  progress,  a 
French  frigate  arrived  at  Newport  with  a  letter 
from  Count  de  Grasse,  dated  at  Cape  Francois 
in  St.  Domingo,  stating  that  he  should  shortly 
sail  from  that  place,  with  his  whole  fleet  and 
three  thousand  two  hundred  land  troops,  for  the 
Chesapeake.  This  letter  was  received  by  Gen 
eral  Washington  on  the  14th  of  August.  It 
produced  an  immediate  change  in  the  objects 
of  the  campaign.  The  engagements  of  Count 
de  Grasse  in  the  West  Indies  were  such,  that 
he  could  not  promise  to  remain  on  the  coast 
beyond  the  middle  of  October.  It  being  doubt 
ful  whether,  with  all  the  force  that  could  be 
collected,  and  with  the  fairest  prospect  of  ulti 
mate  success,  the  siege  of  New  York  could  be 
brought  to  an  issue  by  that  time,  it  was  re 
solved  at  once  to  abandon  that  project,  and 
proceed  to  Virginia  with  the  whole  of  the 
French  troops,  and  such  a  part  of  the  Ameri 
can  army  as  could  be  spared  from  the  defence 
of  the  posts  on  Hudson's  River  and  in  the 
Highlands.  In  this  decision  Count  de  Ro- 
chambeau  cordially  united,  and  the  march  to 
the  south  began  without  delay. 

Cornwallis  had  advanced  from  North  Caroli- 

VOL.  n.  9 


130  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

na,  formed  a  junction  with  the  British  detach 
ment  in  the  Chesapeake,  and  overrun  the  lower 
counties  of  Virginia  ;  but  he  was  checked  by 
the  active  exertions  and  skilful  manoeuvres  of 
Lafayette,  whose  generalship  and  prudent  con 
duct  merited  the  greatest  applause.  This  was 
peculiarly  gratifying  to  Washington,  who  in 
case  of  failure,  might  have  been  censured  for 
intrusting  to  so  young  an  officer  the  hazardous 
experiment  of  encountering  one  of  the  most 
experienced  and  accomplished  generals  of  the 
age.  "  Be  assured,  my  dear  Marquis,"  said 
Washington  in  writing  to  him,  "  your  conduct 
meets  my  warmest  approbation,  as  it  must  that 
of  everybody.  Should  it  ever  be  said,  that  my 
attachment  to  you  betrayed  me  into  partiality, 
you  have  only  to  appeal  to  facts  to  refute  any 
such  charge."  Count  de  Vergennes  bore  sim 
ilar  testimony.  In  a  letter  to  Lafayette  he 
said  j  "  I  have  followed  you  step  by  step 
through  your  whole  campaign  in  Virginia,  and 
should  often  have  trembled  for  you,  if  I  had 
not  been  confident  in  your  wisdom.  It  requires 
no  common  ability  and  skill  to  enable  a  man 
to  sustain  himself  as  you  have  done,  and  dur 
ing  so  long  a  time,  before  such  a  general  as 
Lord  Cornwallis,  who  is  lauded  for  his  talents 
in  war  ;  and  this  too,  with  such  a  great  dis 
proportion  in  your  forces."  The  minister  of 


-«T.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  131 

war  was  also  commanded  by  the  King  to  ex 
press  the  royal  approbation  in  the  warmest 
terms,  and  to  assure  Lafayette  of  his  being 
raised  to  the  rank  of  field-marshal  in  the 
French  army,  when  his  services  should  be  no 
longer  required  in  the  United  States. 

It  was  the  first  object  of  Washington  and 
Rochambeau  to  act  against  Cornwallis  in  Vir 
ginia.  Should  that  general  retreat  to  North 
Carolina,  it  was  then  intended  to  pursue  him 
with  a  part  of  the  combined  army,  and  to  em 
bark  the  remainder  on  board  the  French  fleet, 
and  proceed  with  it  to  Charleston,  which  was 
at  that  time  held  by  the  British.  The  two 
armies  crossed  the  Hudson  at  King's  Ferry, 
and  marched  by  different  routes  to  Trenton, 
and  thence  through  Philadelphia  to  the  Head 
of  Elk.  The  stores  and  baggage,  with  one 
regiment,  passed  down  the  Delaware  by  water 
to  Christiana  Creek.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was 
of  course  ignorant  of  the  expected  approach 
of  Count  de  Grasse  to  the  Chesapeake,  and 
much  finesse  was  used  to  misguide  and  bewil 
der  him  in  regard  to  the  design  of  these  move 
ments  ;  it  being  apprehended,  that,  suspecting 
the  real  object,  he  might  send  reinforcements 
to  Virginia  before  the  arrival  of  the  -  French 
fleet.  Accordingly  fictitious  letters  were  writ 
ten  and  put  in  the  way  of  being  intercepted, 


132  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

and  a  deceptive  provision  of  ovens,  forage,  and 
boats  was  made  in  New  Jersey,  by  which  the 
British  general  would  be  led  to  suppose,  that 
an  attack  was  intended  from  that  quarter. 
These  stratagems  were  successful  to  the  ex 
tent  anticipated  ;  and  the  troops  had  made  con 
siderable  progress  in  their  march,  before  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  was  fully  aware  of  their  desti 
nation. 

General  Heath  was  left  in  the  command  on 
Hudson's  River.  The  moving  army  was  put 
under  the  charge  of  General  Lincoln.  The 
soldiers,  being  mostly  from  the  eastern  and 
middle  States,  marched  with  reluctance  to  the 
southward,  and  showed  strong  symptoms  of 
discontent  when  they  passed  through  Phila 
delphia.  This  had  been  foreseen  by  General 
Washington,  and  he  urged  the  Superintendent 
of  Finance  to  advance  to  them  a  month's  pay 
in  hard  money.  But  there  was  no  such  mon 
ey  in  the  treasury.  Mr.  Morris  succeeded, 
however,  in  borrowing  for  this  purpose  twenty 
thousand  hard  dollars  from  the  French  com 
mander,  which  he  promised  to  return  within 
thirty  days. 

General  Washington  and  Count  de  Rocham- 
beau  preceded  the  army  ;  and  the  former,  after 
stopping  for  a  short  time  in  Philadelphia,  has 
tened  forward  to  Mount  Yernon,  which  lay  in 


JET.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  133 

his  route.  This  casual  visit  was  the  first  he 
had  paid  to  his  home  since  he  left  it  to  attend 
the  second  Continental  Congress,  a  period  of 
six  years  and  five  months  ;  so  entirely  had  he 
sacrificed  his  time,  personal  interests,  and  lo 
cal  attachments  to  the  service  of  his  country. 
Nor  did  he  now  remain  any  longer  than  to 
await  the  arrival  of  Count  de  Rochambeau, 
whom  he  had  left  at  Baltimore.  The  two 
generals  then  made  all  haste  to  the  head-quar 
ters  of  Lafayette's  army  near  Williamsburg, 
which  they  reached  on  the  14th  of  September. 
In  the  mean  time  Count  de  Grasse,  with  his 
whole  fleet,  consisting  of  twenty-six  ships  of 
the  line  and  several  frigates  entered  the  Ches 
apeake,  after  a  partial  engagement  with  Admi 
ral  Graves  off  the  Capes.  He  had  also  been 
joined  by  the  Count  de  Barras,  with  the  French 
squadron  from  Newport.  Three  thousand  men 
from  the  West  Indies,  commanded  by  the 
Marquis  de  St.  Simon,  had  already  landed,  and 
united  with  Lafayette.  Transports  were  im 
mediately  despatched  up  the  Chesapeake,  to 
bring  down  the  French  and  American  troops 
from  the  Head  of  Elk  and  Annapolis.  For 
the  purpose  of  concerting  measures  for  a  coop 
eration  between  the  naval  and  land  forces,  the 
two  commanders  held  a  conference  with  Count 
de  Grasse  on  board  the  Ville  de  Paris  at  Cape 
Henry. 


134  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

Lord  Cornwallis,  expecting  aid  from  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  and  hoping  the  British  force  at 
sea  would  be  superior  to  the  French,  had  taken 
possession  of  Yorktown  and  Gloucester,  two 
places  separated  by  York  River,  and  nearly 
opposite  to  each  other.  The  main  part  of  his 
army  was  at  Yorktown,  around  which  he 
threw  up  strong  works  of  defence,  and  prepar 
ed  to  sustain  a  siege.  To  this  extremity  he 
was  at  length  reduced.  All  the  troops  being 
assembled,  the  American  and  French  generals 
marched  from  the  encampment  near  Williams- 
burg,  and  completely  invested  Yorktown  on 
the  30th  of  September.  The  Americans  were 
stationed  on  the  right,  and  the  French  on  the 
left,  in  a  semicircular  line,  each  wing  resting 
on  York  River.  The  post  at  Gloucester  was 
invested  by  Lauzun's  legion,  marines  from  the 
fleet,  and  Virginia  militia,  under  the  command 
of  M.  de  Choisy,  a  brigadier-general  in  the 
French  service. 

The  siege  was  carried  on  by  the  usual  pro 
cess  of  opening  parallels,  erecting  batteries, 
firing  shot,  throwing  shells,  and  storming  re 
doubts.  The  enemy  were  neither  idle  nor  in 
efficient  in  their  efforts  for  defence  and  annoy 
ance.  The  principal  event  was  the  storming 
of  two  redoubts  at  the  same  time  ;  one  by  a 
party  of  the  American  light  infantry,  the  other 


jEr.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  135 

by  a  detachment  of  French  grenadiers  and 
chasseurs ;  the  former  headed  by  Lafayette, 
the  latter  by  the  Baron  de  Viomenil.  They 
were  both  successful.  The  assailants  entered 
the  redoubts  with  the  bayonet,  in  a  brave  and 
spirited  manner,  under  a  heavy  fire  from  the 
enemy.  The  advanced  corps  of  the  American 
party  was  led  by  Colonel  Hamilton,  "  whose 
well-known  talents  and  gallantry,"  said  Lafa 
yette  in  his  report,  "  were  most  conspicuous 
and  serviceable."  Colonels  Laurens,  Gimat, 
and  Barber  were  also  distinguished  in  this  as 
sault. 

The  besiegers  pushed  forward  their  trenches, 
and  kept  up  an  incessant  fire  from  their  bat 
teries,  till  the  17th  of  October,  when,  about 
ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  enemy  beat  a 
parley,  and  Lord  Cornwallis  sent  out  a  note  to 
General  Washington  proposing  a  cessation  of 
hostilities  for  twenty-four  hours,  and  the  ap 
pointment  of  commissioners  on  each  side  to 
settle  the  terms  for  surrendering  the  posts  of 
Yorktown  and  Gloucester.  In  reply  General 
Washington  requested,  that,  as  a  preliminary 
step,  his  Lordship  would  communicate  in  writ 
ing,  the  terms  on  which  he  proposed  to  sur 
render.  This  was  complied  with,  and  hostili 
ties  ceased. 

The   basis  of  a  capitulation,  furnished  by 


136  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

the  British  general,  was,  that  the  garrisons 
should  be  prisoners  of  war,  with  the  customa 
ry  honors  j  that  the  British  and  German  troops 
should  be  sent  to  Europe,  under  an  engage 
ment  not  to  serve  against  France  or  America 
till  released  or  exchanged ;  that  all  arms  and 
public  stores  should  be  given  up ;  that  the 
officers  and  soldiers  should  retain  their  private 
property ;  and  that  the  interest  of  several  in 
dividuals  in  a  civil  capacity  should  be  attended 
to.  This  last  clause  was  designed  to  protect 
the  traders  and  other  Americans,  who  had 
joined  the  enemy. 

Some  of  these  points  not  being  admissible, 
General  Washington  transmitted  an  answer  the 
next  day,  in  which  he  sketched  the  outlines 
of  a  capitulation,  and  informed  Lord  Cornwal- 
lis,  that  he  was  ready  to  appoint  commissioners 
to  digest  the  articles.  All  the  troops  in  the 
garrisons  were  to  be  prisoners  of  war,  and 
marched  into  such  parts  of  the  country  as 
could  most  conveniently  provide  for  their  sub 
sistence  ;  the  artillery,  arms,  accoutrements, 
military  chest,  and  public  stores,  with  the 
shipping,  boats,  and  all  their  furniture  and  ap 
parel,  were  to  be  delivered  up ;  the  officers  re 
taining  their  side-arms,  and  both  the  officers 
and  soldiers  preserving  their  baggage  and  ef 
fects,  except  such  property  as  had  been  taken 


jEj.49.]  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  137 

in  the  country,  which  was  to  be  reclaimed. 
The  surrendering  army  was  to  receive  the 
same  honors  as  had  been  granted  by  the  Brit 
ish  to  the  garrison  of  Charleston.  Upon  these 
general  terms  a  treaty  was  finally  adjusted; 
the  commissioners  being  Colonel  Laurens  and 
the  Viscount  de  Noailles  on  the  part  of  the 
Americans  and  French,  and  Colonel  Dun- 
das  and  Major  Ross  on  that  of  the  British. 
The  articles  of  capitulation  were  signed  on 
the  19th  of  October,  and  in  the  afternoon  of 
that  day  the  garrisons  marched  out  and  sur 
rendered  their  arms. 

The  traders  within  the  enemy's  lines  were 
not  regarded  as  prisoners,  and  they  were  al 
lowed  a  certain  time  to  dispose  of  their  prop 
erty  or  remove  it ;  but  no  provision  was  made 
for  other  persons  in  a  civil  capacity  within  the 
enemy's  lines.  At  the  request  of  Lord  Corn- 
wallis,  however,  the  Bonetta  sloop  of  war  was 
left  at  his  disposal  for  the  purpose  of  sending 
an  aid-de-camp  with  despatches  to  Sir  Henry 
Clinton;  and  in  this  vessel,  which  was  suf 
fered  to  depart  without  examination,  all  per 
sons  of  the  above  description  took  passage  for 
New  York  :  and  thus  the  British  commander 
was  enabled  to  maintain  his  good  faith  towards 
those,  who  had  joined  him  in  the  country, 
without  including  them  in  the  terms  of  capit- 


138  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

ulation.  The  Bonetta,  with  her  crew,  guns, 
and  stores  was  to  return  and  be  given  up. 

The  whole  number  of  prisoners,  exclusive 
of  seamen,  was  somewhat  over  seven  thou 
sand  men  j  and  the  British  loss  during  the 
siege  was  between  five  and  six  hundred.  The 
combined  army  employed  in  the  siege  consist 
ed  of  about  seven  thousand  American  regular 
troops,  upwards  of  five  thousand  French,  and 
four  thousand  militia.  The  loss  in  killed  and 
wounded  was  about  three  hundred.  The  land 
forces  surrendered  to  General  Washington,  and 
became  prisoners  to  Congress ;  but  the  seamen, 
ships,  and  naval  equipments,  were  assigned  to 
the  French  admiral. 

The  success  was  more  complete,  and  more 
speedily  attained,  than  had  been  anticipated. 
The  capture  of  Cornwallis,  with  so  large  a 
part  of  the  British  army  in  America,  occasion 
ed  great  rejoicings  throughout  the  country,  as 
affording  a  decisive  presage  of  the  favorable 
termination  of  the  war.  Congress  passed  a 
special  vote  of  thanks  to  each  of  the  comman 
ders,  and  to  the  officers  and  troops.  Two 
stands  of  colors,  taken  from  the  enemy  at  the 
capitulation,  were  given  to  General  Washing 
ton,  and  two  pieces  of  field-ordnance  to  Count 
de  Rochambeau  and  Count  de  Grasse  respec 
tively,  as  tokens  of  the  national  gratitude  for 


JET.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  139 

their  services.  Congress  moreover  resolved  to 
commemorate  so  glorious  an  event  by  causing 
a  marble  column  to  be  erected  at  Yorktown, 
adorned  with  emblems  of  the  alliance  between 
France  and  the  United  States,  and  an  inscrip 
tion  containing  a  narrative  of  the  principal 
incidents  of  the  siege  and  surrender. 

General  Washington,  believing  a  most  fa 
vorable  opportunity  now  presented  itself  for 
following  up  this  success  by  an  expedition 
against  Charleston,  wrote  a  letter  to  Count  de 
Grasse  the  day  after  the  capitulation,  request 
ing  him  to  join  in  it  with  his  fleet.  He  also 
went  on  board  the  admiral's  ship,  as  well  to 
pay  his  respects  and  offer  his  thanks  for  what 
had  already  been  done,  as  to  explain  and  en 
force  the  practicability  and  importance  of  this 
plan.  By  the  instructions  from  his  court,  and 
by  his  engagements  to  the  Spaniards,  Count 
de  Grasse  was  bound  to  return  to  the  West 
Indies  without  delay,  and  thus  it  was  not  in 
his  power  to  accede  to  the  proposal.  It  was 
then  suggested,  that  he  should  transport  a 
body  of  troops  to  Wilmington,  in  North  Caro 
lina,  and  land  them  there  while  on  his  voyage. 
To  this  he  at  first  made  no  objection ;  but, 
when  he  ascertained  that  there  would  be  a 
difficulty  in  landing  the  men  without  running 
the  risk  of  dividing  his  fleet,  or  perhaps  of  be- 


140  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

ing  driven  off  the  coast  with  the  troops  on 
board,  he  declined  the  undertaking.  Lafayette 
was  to  command  this  expedition  •  and  the  pur 
pose  of  it  was  to  take  a  British  post  at  Wil 
mington,  and  then  march  into  the  interior  and 
unite  with  the  southern  army  under  General 
Greene. 

The  troops  commanded  by  the  Marquis 
de  St.  Simon  were  embarked,  and  Count  de 
Grasse  set  sail  for  the  West  Indies.  Before 
his  departure,  General  Washington  presented 
him  with  two  beautiful  horses,  as  a  testimony^ 
of  personal  consideration  and  esteem. 

As  nothing  further  could  be  effected  by  the 
allied  forces  during  the  campaign,  a  detach 
ment  of  two  thousand  men,  comprising  the 
Continental  troops  from  Pennsylvania,  Mary 
land,  and  Virginia,  was  put  under  General  St. 
Clair,  with  orders  to  reinforce  General  Greene 
at  the  south.  The  troops  belonging  eastward 
of  Pennsylvania  were  transported  by  water  to 
the  Head  of  Elk,  whence  they  marched  to 
their  winter  cantonments  in  New  Jersey  and 
near  Hudson's  River.  The  French  army  re 
mained  in  Virginia  till  the  following  summer, 
the  head-quarters  of  Count  de  Rochambeau 
being  at  Williamsburg. 

The  prisoners  were  marched  to  Winchester 
in  Virginia,  and  Fredericktown  in  Maryland : 


^Ex.49.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  141 

and  a  part  of  them  subsequently  to  Lancaster 
in  Pennsylvania.  Lord  Cornwallis,  and  the 
other  principal  officers,  went  by  sea  to  New 
York  on  parole. 

All  these  affairs  being  arranged,  General 
Washington  left  Yorktown  on  the  5th  of  No 
vember.  The  same  day  he  arrived  at  Eltham, 
where  he  was  present  at  the  death  of  Mr. 
Custis,  the  only  son  of  Mrs.  Washington.  He 
stayed  there  a  few  days  to  mingle  his  grief 
with  that  of  the  afflicted  widow  and  mother. 
The  occasion  was  not  less  trying  to  his  sym 
pathy  than  to  his  sensibility,  for  he  had  watch 
ed  over  the  childhood  and  youth  of  the  de 
ceased  with  a  paternal  solicitude,  and  after 
wards  associated  with  him  as  a  companion, 
who  possessed  his  confidence  and  esteem.  Mr. 
Custis  was  a  member  of  the  Virginia  legisla 
ture,  and  much  respected  for  his  public  and 
private  character.  He  died  at  the  age  of 
twenty-eight,  leaving  four  infant  children,  the 
two  youngest  of  whom,  a  son  and  daughter, 
were  adopted  by  General  Washington,  and 
they  resided  in  his  family  till  the  end  of  his 
life. 

From  Eltham  he  proceeded  by  the  way  of 
Mount  Vernon  to  Philadelphia,  receiving  and 
answering  various  public  addresses  while  on 
his  journey.  The  day  after  his  arrival  he  at- 


142  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1781. 

tended  Congress,  being  introduced  into  the 
hall  by  two  members,  and  greeted  with  a  con 
gratulatory  address  by  the  President.  He  was 
requested  to  remain  for  some  time  in  Philadel 
phia,  both  that  he  might  enjoy  a  respite  from 
the  fatigues  of  war,  and  that  Congress  might 
avail  themselves  of  his  aid,  in  making  prepa 
rations  for  vigorous  and  timely  efforts  to  draw 
every  advantage  from  the  recent  triumph  of 
the  allied  arms. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  143 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Preparations  for  another  Campaign  recommended  and  enforced  by 
General  Washington  and  approved  by  Congress.  —  Lafayette 
returns  to  France.  —  The  Affair  of  Captain  Asgill.  —  Back 
wardness  of  the  States  in  recruiting  the  Army.  —  Proposal  to 
General  Washington  to  assume  Supreme  Power,  and  his  Re 
ply.  —  Sir  Guy  Carleton  gives  Notice,  that  Negotiations  for 
Peace  had  begun.  —  The  French  Troops  march  from  Virginia, 
join  General  Washington,  and  afterwards  embark  at  Boston. 

FROM  the  state  of  affairs  at  this  time,  both 
in  Europe  and  America,  it  was  evident  that 
the  war  could  not  be  of  much  longer  duration. 
Considering,  however,  the  temper  hitherto 
manifested  by  the  British  cabinet,  and  the 
spirit  with  which  a  large  majority  of  the  na 
tion  had  sustained  the  ministerial  measures,  it 
was  generally  supposed  that  another  campaign 
would  be  tried.  This  was  Washington's  be 
lief:  and,  in  his  communications  to  Congress 
and  to  persons  of  influence  in  various  parts  of 
the  country,  he  urged  the  importance  of  being 
fully  prepared.  This  he  regarded  as  the  wisest 
policy  in  any  event.  If  the  war  continued,  the 
preparations  would  be  necessary ;  if  it  ceased, 
they  would  have  a  favorable  effect  on  the  ne 
gotiations  for  peace. 

He  was  apprehensive,  that  the  people,  from 


144  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1782. 

a  mistaken  idea  of  the  magnitude  of  the  late 
success  in  Virginia,  would  deceive  themselves 
with  delusive  hopes,  and  grow  remiss  in  their 
efforts.  "  To  prevent  so  great  an  evil,"  said 
he,  "  shall  be  my  study  and  endeavor  ;  and  I 
cannot  but  natter  myself,  that  the  States,  rath 
er  than  relax  in  their  exertions,  will  be  stimu 
lated  to  the  most  vigorous  preparations  for 
another  active,  glorious,  and  decisive  campaign, 
which,  if  properly  prosecuted,  will,  I  trust, 
under  the  smiles  of  Heaven,  lead  us  to  the 
end  of  this  long  and  tedious  war,  and  set  us 
down  in  the  full  security  of  the  great  object 
of  our  toils,  the  establishment  of  peace,  liber 
ty,  and  independence.  Whatever  may  be  the 
policy  of  European  courts  during  this  winter, 
their  negotiations  will  prove  too  precarious  a 
dependence  for  us  to  trust  to.  Our  wisdom 
should  dictate  a  serious  preparation  for  war, 
and,  in  that  state,  we  shall  find  ourselves  in  a 
situation  secure  against  every  event." 

These  sentiments  met  the  full  concurrence 
of  Congress.  They  resolved  to  keep  up  the 
same  military  establishment  as  the  year  before  j 
and  to  call  on  the  States  to  complete  their 
quotas  of  troops  at  an  early  day.  They  voted 
new  requisitions  of  money  and  supplies.  These 
resolves  were  adopted  with  a  promptness,  zeal, 
and  unanimity,  which  had  rarely  been  shown 


jET.  50.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  145 

on  former  occasions.  To  aid  in  carrying  them 
into  effect,  it  was  deemed  advisable  for  the 
Commander-in-chief  to  write  two  circular  let 
ters  to  the  governors  of  all  the  States.  The 
first,  relating  to  finance,  was  dated  on  the  22d 
of  January,  1782,  and  contained  arguments 
for  raising  money  adequate  to  the  public  exi 
gencies,  particularly  the  payment  and  clothing 
of  the  troops.  The  second,  dated  a  week  la 
ter,  exhibited  the  numbers  and  condition  of 
the  army  then  in  the  field,  and  urged  the  com 
pleting  of  the  quotas  according  to  the  requisi 
tion  of  Congress. 

Other  methods  were  also  used  to  provide 
means  for  prosecuting  the  war.  Succors  con 
tinued  to  be  received  from  France,  and,  by 
the  persevering  application  of  Franklin  to  the 
French  court,  a  loan  of  six  millions  of  livres, 
payable  in  monthly  instalments,  was  promised 
for  the  coming  year.  After  the  capitulation  at 
Yorktown,  there  being  no  prospect  of  further 
active  service  till  the  next  campaign,  the  Mar 
quis  de  Lafayette  obtained  permission  from 
Congress  to  return  on  a  visit  to  his  native 
country.  Besides  passing  resolves  complimen 
tary  to  his  character,  zeal,  and  military  con 
duct,  Congress  made  him  the  bearer  of  a  letter 
to  the  King  of  France,  in  which  he  was  com 
mended  to  the  notice  of  his  sovereign  in  very 

VOL.    II.  10 


146  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1782. 

warm  terms.  Much  reliance  was  placed  on 
the  representations  he  would  make  concerning 
the  state  of  affairs  in  America,  and  on  his  in 
fluence  to  procure  the  desired  assistance  from 
the  French  government.  The  ministers  from 
the  United  States  in  Europe  were  likewise  in 
structed  to  confer  with  the  Marquis  de  Lafa 
yette,  and  avail  themselves  of  his  knowledge 
and  counsels. 

About  the  middle  of  April,  General  Wash 
ington  left  Philadelphia  and  joined  the  army, 
establishing  his  head-quarters  at  Newburg. 
He  had  hardly  arrived  in  camp,  when  he  heard 
of  an  occurrence,  which  produced  much  ex 
citement  at  the  time,  and  led  to  consequences 
of  considerable  notoriety,  though  in  them 
selves  of  little  moment.  The  particulars  are 
these.  Captain  Huddy,  an  American  officer, 
who  commanded  a  small  body  of  troops  in 
Monmouth  County,  New  Jersey,  was  taken 
prisoner  by  a  party  of  refugees,  conveyed  into 
New  York,  and  put  in  close  confinement.  A 
few  days  afterwards  he  was  sent  out  of  the 
city,  under  the  charge  of  Captain  Lippencot, 
at  the  head  of  a  number  of  refugees,  by  whom 
he  was  hanged  on  the  heights  near  Middle- 
town.  This  wanton  act  exasperated  the  peo 
ple  in  the  neighborhood,  who  knew  and  es 
teemed  Captain  Huddy.  Affidavits  and  a 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


statement  of  facts  were  forwarded  to  General 
Washington.  These  he  laid  before  a  council 
of  officers,  who  gave  it  as  their  unanimous 
opinion,  that  the  case  demanded  retaliation, 
that  the  punishment  ought  to  be  inflicted  on 
the  leader  of  the  party  by  which  the  murder 
was  committed,  and  that,  if  he  should  not  be 
given  up,  an  officer  equal  in  rank  to  Captain 
Huddy  ought  to  be  selected  by  lot  from  the 
British  prisoners. 

A  representation  of  the  facts  was  according 
ly  sent  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with  a  demand 
for  the  surrender  of  Lippencot.  This  demand 
not  being  complied  with,  an  officer  was  desig 
nated  for  retaliation.  The  lot  fell  upon  Cap 
tain  Asgill,  a  young  man  only  nineteen  years 
old,  who  was  then  a  prisoner  at  Lancaster  in 
Pennsylvania.  The  affair  was  in  suspense  for 
several  months.  Although  Lippencot  was  not 
delivered  up,  yet  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  and  his 
successor  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  not  only  disavowed 
the  act  as  having  been  done  without  authori 
ty,  but  reprobated  it  with  unmeasured  severi 
ty.  The  subject  was  referred  by  them  to  a 
court-martial,  and  Lippencot  was  tried.  From 
the  developements  it  appeared,  that  the  guilt 
of  the  transaction  rested  mainly  with  the 
Board  of  Associated  Loyalists  in  New  York, 
and  that  Lippencot  acted  in  conformity  with 


148  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1782. 

what  he  believed  to  be  the  orders  of  the  board. 
Hence  he  was  acquitted,  as  not  properly  an 
swerable  for  the  crime  of  the  act. 

When  these  circumstances  were  made  known, 
the  whole  matter  was  laid  before  Congress. 
Considering  the  ground  taken  by  the  British 
commanders  in  disavowing  and  censuring  the 
act,  added  to  the  irresponsible  nature  of  Lip- 
pencot's  conduct,  General  Washington  inclined 
to  release  Captain  Asgill,  and  was  disappointed 
and  dissatisfied  at  the  delay  of  Congress  in 
coming  to  a  decision  on  the  subject.  Mean 
while  the  mother  of  Asgill,  already  borne  down 
with  family  afflictions,  which  were  increased 
by  the  impending  fate  of  her  son,  wrote  a 
pathetic  letter  of  intercession  to  the  French 
ministry.  This  was  shown  to  the  King  and 
Queen ;  and  it  wrought  so  much  on  their 
feelings,  that  Count  de  Vergennes  by  their  di 
rection  wrote  to  General  Washington,  soliciting 
the  liberation  of  Asgill.  Although  this  com 
munication  arrived  after  it  had  been  determined 
not  to  insist  on  retaliation,  yet  it  had  the  effect 
to  hasten  the  proceedings  of  Congress,  and  by 
their  order  Captain  Asgill  was  set  at  liberty. 

Little  progress  was  made  by  the  States  in 
filling  up  their  quotas  of  troops.  When  Gen 
eral  Washington  arrived  in  camp,  the  whole 
number  of  effective  men  in  the  northern  army 


^Ex.50.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  149 

was  somewhat  short  of  ten  thousand;  nor  was 
it  much  increased  afterwards.  In  fact,  after 
the  capitulation  at  Yorktown,  the  conviction 
was  nearly  universal,  that  the  war  would  not 
be  pursued  any  further  in  the  United  States. 
The  recruiting  service  consequently  languish 
ed.  Relieved  from  danger,  and  worn  out 
with  their  long  toils  and  sacrifices,  the  people 
were  slow  to  perceive,  that  large  preparations 
would  be  the  means  of  procuring  better  terms 
of  peace,  and  seemed  contented  with  the  pres 
ent  prospects.  News  arrived  in  the  first  part  of 
May,  which  indicated  an  approaching  change 
in  the  British  cabinet,  and  symptoms  of  pacific 
measures.  Fearful  of  the  effect  which  this 
intelligence  might  produce,  Washington  took 
occasion  to  express  his  own  sentiments  without 
reserve  in  a  circular  letter,  which  he  was  just 
at  that  time  despatching  to  the  governors  of 
the  States. 

"  Upon  the  most  mature  deliberation  I  can 
bestow,"  he  observed,  "  I  am  obliged  to  de 
clare  it  as  my  candid  opinion,  that  the  meas 
ures  of  the  enemy  in  all  their  views,  so  far  as 
they  respect  America,  are  merely  delusory  (they 
having  no  serious  intention  to  admit  our  inde 
pendence  upon  its  true  principles),  and  are  cal 
culated  to  quiet  the  minds  of  their  own  people, 
and  reconcile  them  to  the  continuance  of  the 


150  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1782. 

war ;  while  they  are  meant  to  amuse  the  coun 
try  into  a  false  idea  of  peace,  to  draw  us  off 
from  our  connexion  with  France,  and  to  lull 
us  into  a  state  of  security  and  inactivity,  which 
having  taken  place,  the  ministry  will  be  left 
to  prosecute  the  war  in  other  parts  of  the 
world  with  greater  vigor  and  effect.  Even  if 
the  nation  and  Parliament  are  really  in  earnest 
to  obtain  peace  with  America,  it  will  undoubt 
edly  be  wisdom  in  us  to  meet  them  with  great 
caution  and  circumspection,  and  by  all  means 
to  keep  our  arms  firm  in  our  hands,  and,  instead 
of  relaxing  one  iota  in  our  exertions,  rather  to 
spring  forward  with  redoubled  vigor,  that  we 
may  take  the  advantage  of  every  favorable  op 
portunity,  until  our  wishes  are  fully  obtained. 
No  nation  ever  yet  suffered  in  treaty  by  prepar 
ing,  even  in  the  moment  of  negotiation,  most 
vigorously  for  the  field." 

The  discontents  of  the  officers  and  soldiers, 
respecting  the  arrearages  of  their  pay,  had  for 
some  time  increased ;  and,  there  being  now  a 
prospect,  that  the  army  would  ultimately  be 
disbanded  without  an  adequate  provision  by 
Congress  for  meeting  the  claims  of  the  troops, 
these  discontents  manifested  themselves  in  au 
dible  murmurs  and  complaints,  which  forebod 
ed  serious  consequences.  But  a  spirit  still 
more  to  be  dreaded  was  secretly  at  work.  In 


JET.  50.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  151 

reflecting  on  the  limited  powers  of  Congress, 
and  on  the  backwardness  of  the  States  to  com 
ply  with  the  most  essential  requisitions,  even 
in  support  of  their  own  interests,  many  of  the 
officers  were  led  to  look  for  the  cause  in  the 
form  of  government,  and  to  distrust  the  stabil 
ity  of  republican  institutions.  So  far  were 
they  carried  by  their  fears  and  speculations, 
that  they  meditated  the  establishment  of  a 
new  and  more  energetic  system.  A  colonel  in 
the  army,  of  a  highly  respectable  character, 
and  somewhat  advanced  in  life,  was  made  the 
organ  for  communicating  their  sentiments  to 
the  Commander-in-chief.  In  a  letter  elabo 
rately  and  skilfully  written,  after  describing 
the  gloomy  state  of  affairs,  the  financial  diffi 
culties,  and  the  innumerable  embarrassments 
in  which  the  country  had  been  involved  dur 
ing  the  war,  on  account  of  its  defective  politi 
cal  organization,  the  writer  adds  ; 

"  This  must  have  shown  to  all,  and  to  mili 
tary  men  in  particular,  the  weakness  of  repub 
lics,  and  the  exertions  the  army  have  been  able 
to  make  by  being  under  a  proper  head.  There 
fore  I  little  doubt,  that,  when  the  benefits  of  a 
mixed  government  are  pointed  out,  and  duly 
considered,  such  will  be  readily  adopted.  In 
this  case  it  will,  I  believe,  be  uncontroverted, 
that  the  same  abilities,  which  have  led  us 


152  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1782. 

through  difficulties,  apparently  insurmountable 
by  human  power,  to  victory  and  glory,  those 
qualities,  that  have  merited  and  obtained  the 
universal  esteem  and  veneration  of  an  army, 
would  be  most  likely  to  conduct  and  direct 
us  in  the  smoother  paths  of  peace.  Some  peo 
ple  have  so  connected  the  ideas  of  tyranny  and 
monarchy,  as  to  find  it  very  difficult  to  separ 
ate  them.  It  may  therefore  be  requisite  to 
give  the  head  of  such  a  constitution,  as  I  pro 
pose,  some  title  apparently  more  moderate  j 
but,  if  all  other  things  were  once  adjusted,  I 
believe  strong  arguments  might  be  produced 
for  admitting  the  title  of  KING,  which  I  con 
ceive  would  be  attended  with  some  material 
advantages." 

To  this  communication,  as  unexpected  as  it 
was  extraordinary  in  its  contents,  Washington 
replied  as  follows. 

«Newburg,22May,178!2. 
"  Sm, 

"  With  a  mixture  of  great  surprise  and  as 
tonishment,  I  have  read  with  attention  the  sen 
timents  you  have  submitted  to  my  perusal.  Be 
assured,  Sir,  no  occurrence  in  the  course  of  the 
war  has  given  me  more  painful  sensations,  than 
your  information  of  there  being  such  ideas  ex 
isting  in  the  army,  as  you  have  expressed,  and 
I  must  view  with  abhorrence  and  reprehend 


^T.50.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  153 

with  severity.  For  the  present,  the  communi 
cation  of  them  will  rest  in  my  own  bosom, 
unless  some  further  agitation  of  the  matter 
shall  make  a  disclosure  necessary. 

"  I  am  much  at  a  loss  to  conceive  what  part 
of  my  conduct  could  have  given  encourage 
ment  to  an  address,  which  to  me  seems  big 
with  the  greatest  mischiefs,  that  can  befall  my 
country.  If  I  am  not  deceived  in  the  knowl 
edge  of  myself,  you  could  not  have  found  a 
person  to  whom  your  schemes  are  more  disa 
greeable.  At  the  same  time,  in  justice  to  my 
own  feelings,  I  must  add,  that  no  man  possess 
es  a  more  sincere  wish  to  see  ample  justice 
done  to  the  army  than  I  do  ;  and,  as  far  as  rny 
powers  and  influence,  in  a  constitutional  way, 
extend,  they  shall  be  employed  to  the  utmost 
of  my  abilities  to  effect  it,  should  there  be  any 
occasion.  Let  me  conjure  you,  then,  if  you 
have  any  regard  for  your  country,  concern  for 
yourself  or  posterity,  or  respect  for  me,  to  ban 
ish  these  thoughts  from  your  mind,  and  never 
communicate,  as  from  yourself  or  any  one  else, 
a  sentiment  of  the  like  nature.  I  am,  Sir,  &c. 
"  GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 

Such  was  the  language  of  Washington, 
when,  at  the  head  of  his  army  and  at  the 
height  of  his  power  and  popularity,  it  was 


154  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1782. 

proposed  to  him  to  become  a  king.  After  this 
indignant  reply  and  stern  rebuke,  it  is  not 
probable  that  any  further  advances  were  made 
to  him  on  the  subject. 

Sir  Guy  Carleton  arrived  at  New  York  early 
in  May,  and  superseded  Sir  Henry  Clinton  as 
commander  of  the  British  armies  in  America. 
His  first  letter  to  Washington  was  pacific  in 
its  tone,  and  showed,  that  at  least  a  temporary 
change  had  taken  place  in  the  sentiments  of 
Parliament  respecting  the  principles  on  which 
the  war  had  been  conducted,  and  the  policy 
of  continuing  it.  Nothing  of  a  positive  nature 
was  communicated,  however,  till  the  beginning 
of  August,  when  Sir  Guy  Carleton  again  wrote, 
that  he  was  authorized  to  give  notice,  that  ne 
gotiations  for  a  general  peace  had  commenced 
at  Paris,  and  that  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  would  be  conceded  as  a  prelimi 
nary  step.  From  this  time,  therefore,  prepara 
tions  for  war  ceased,  and  no  further  acts  of 
hostility  were  committed  by  either  party.  It 
not  being  certain,  nevertheless,  that  the  nego 
tiations  would  actually  result  in  peace,  no  part 
of  the  American  army  was  dismissed,  but  the 
posture  of  defence  was  maintained  with  the 
same  caution  and  vigilance  as  before. 

The  French  troops  had  continued  in  Virgin 
ia  since  the  capitulation  at  Yorktown.  They 


jEx.50.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  155 

marched  to  Hudson's  River,  and  formed  a 
junction  with  the  forces  under  Washington 
about  the  middle  of  September.  The  two  ar 
mies  had  been  encamped  on  the  east  side  of 
the  river  near  Verplanck's  Point  more  than  a 
month,  when  the  French  marched  to  Boston, 
where  a  fleet  was  ready  to  receive  them,  and 
sailed  before  the  end  of  December,  having 
been  in  the  country  two  years  and  a  half. 
The  Baron  de  Yiomenil  commanded  the  troops 
when  they  went  on  board  the  fleet  at  Boston. 
The  Count  de  Rochambeau,  accompanied  by 
the  Marquis  de  Chastellux,  sailed  some  days 
later  from  Baltimore. 

General  Washington  had  drawn  the  larger 
part  of  his  army  down  the  river  to  Verplanck's 
Point,  more  as  a  mark  of  courtesy  to  the  allied 
troops  in  meeting  them  there,  than  for  any  mil 
itary  object ;  and,  after  their  departure,  he  re 
turned  to  his  former  encampment  at  Newbtirg, 
where  head-quarters  continued  till  the  army 
was  disbanded. 


156  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1782. 


CHAPTER   XXX. 

Dissatisfaction  of  the  Army.  —  The  Officers  send  a  Memorial  to 
Congress.  —  The  anonymous  Addresses  at  Newburg.  —  Intelli 
gence  arrives,  that  a  Treaty  of  Peace  had  been  signed  at  Paris. 
—  General  Washington's  Sentiments  concerning  the  civil  Gov 
ernment  of  the  Union.  —  His  Circular  Letter  to  the  States.  — 
He  makes  a  Tour  to  the  North.  —  Repairs  to  Congress  at  the 
Request  of  that  Body.  —  His  Farewell  Address  to  the  Army.  — 
The  British  evacuate  New  York.  —  Washington  resigns  his 
Commission,  and  retires  to  private  Life  at  Mount  Vernon. 

THE  winter  being  a  season  of  inactivity, 
and  the  prospect  of  peace  becoming  every  day 
less  doubtful,  the  officers  and  soldiers  had  leis 
ure  to  reflect  on  their  situation,  and  to  look 
forward  to  the  condition  awaiting  them  at  the 
end  of  the  war.  When  they  compared  their 
long  services  and  sufferings  with  the  sacrifices 
of  those,  who  had  been  engaged  only  in  the 
pursuits  of  private  life,  and  with  the  rewards 
hitherto  received,  they  felt  that  they  had 
claims,  as  well  on  the  gratitude  and  generosity, 
as  on  the  justice,  of  their  country.  At  the 
same  time,  various  circumstances  conspired  to 
make  them  apprehensive,  that  these  claims 
would  neither  be  adequately  met  nor  duly  es 
timated.  Congress  had  no  funds  ;  the  States 
were  extremely  backward  in  applying  the  only 
remedy  by  an  effectual  system  of  taxation; 


^T.50.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  157 

and  the  resource  of  foreign  loans  was  nearly 
exhausted.  It  was  natural,  that  this  state  of 
things,  added  to  long  arrearages  of  pay,  and 
accounts  unsettled  and  without  any  security 
for  a  future  liquidation  of  them,  should  cause 
much  excitement  and  concern. 

In  the  month  of  December,  the  officers  in 
camp  determined  to  address  Congress  on  the 
subject  of  their  grievances.  A  memorial  was 
accordingly  drawn  up,  which  was  understood 
to  express  the  sentiments  of  the  army.  It 
contained  a  representation  of  the  money  actu 
ally  due  to  them,  a  proposal  that  the  half-pay 
for  life  should  be  commuted  for  a  specific  sum, 
and  a  request  that  security  should  be  given  by 
the  government  for  fulfilling  its  engagements. 
The  commutation  it  was  believed  would  be 
more  generally  acceptable  to  the  public  than 
half-pay  for  life,  which  had  always  been  op 
posed  by  a  strong  party,  as  favoring  the  idea  of 
a  pension  list  and  a  privileged  class,  and  as 
hostile  to  republican  institutions.  Three  offi 
cers  were  deputed  as  a  committee  to  carry 
this  memorial  to  Congress,  and  instructed  to 
use  their  endeavors  to  obtain  for  it  a  successful 
hearing. 

The  dissensions,  which  had  long  existed  in 
Congress,  were  brought  to  bear  on  this  subject. 
Many  of  the  members  were  disposed  to  do 


158  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

ample  justice  to  the  army,  and  to  all  other 
public  creditors,  by  assuming  their  claims  as  a 
Continental  charge,  and  providing  for  the  set 
tlement  of  them  by  a  Continental  fund  and 
securities  ;  while  others,  jealous  of  State  rights 
and  State  sovereignty,  disapproved  this  course, 
and  urged  the  plan  of  referring  unsettled  ac 
counts  to  the  respective  States.  Congress 
took  the  memorial  into  consideration,  and 
passed  resolves  indefinite  in  their  character, 
and  not  such  as  were  likely  to  answer  the  ex 
pectations  or  quiet  the  uneasiness  of  the  army. 
The  claims  of  public  creditors  were  recog 
nised,  but  no  scheme  was  suggested  for  estab 
lishing  funds,  or  giving  security.  On  an  esti 
mate  of  the  average  ages  of  the  officers,  it 
was  decided,  that  half-pay  for  life  was  equiva 
lent  to  five  years'  whole  pay ;  but  the  requi 
site  number  of  nine  States  could  not  be  ob 
tained  in  favor  of  the  commutation.  Appre 
hending  a  defeat,  if  they  pressed  the  subject, 
and  hoping  that  the  vote  would  ultimately  be 
carried,  the  committee  thought  it  prudent  to 
delay  further  proceedings,  and  one  of  them 
returned  to  camp  with  a  letter  containing  a 
report  of  what  had  been  done. 

The  representations  thus  communicated  were 
by  no  means  satisfactory  to  the  officers.  Dis 
appointed  and  irritated,  many  of  them  were 


Mr.  51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  159 

for  resorting  to  measures,  which  should  con 
vince  Congress,  not  only  of  the  justice  of  their 
demands,  but  of  their  resolution  to  enforce 
them.  Hence  originated  the  famous  Neu-burg 
Addresses.  At  a  private  consultation  of  sev 
eral  officers  it  was  agreed,  that  a  meeting  of 
the  general  and  field  officers,  a  commissioned 
officer  from  each  company,  and  a  delegate 
from  the  medical  staff,  ought  to  be  called  for 
the  purpose  of  passing  a  series  of  resolutions, 
which  should  be  forwarded  to  their  committee 
at  Congress.  On  the  10th  of  March  a  notifi 
cation  to  this  Deflect  was  circulated  in  camp, 
fixing  the  time  and  stating  the  object.  The 
same  day  an  anonymous  address  to  the  army 
was  sent  out,  written  in  a  strain  of  passionate 
and  stirring  eloquence,  and  extremely  well 
suited  to  excite  the  feelings  and  rouse  the 
spirit  of  those  for  whom  it  was  intended. 
Foreseeing  the  fatal  consequences  that  might 
result  from  an  assembling  of  the  officers  under 
such  circumstances,  and  at  the  same  time 
deeply  impressed  with  the  justice  of  their 
complaints  and  the  reality  of  their  wrongs, 
Washington  had  a  delicate  task  to  perform  ; 
but  he  executed  it  with  his  characteristic  de 
cision,  firmness,  and  wisdom.  He  sought 
rather  to  guide  and  control  the  proceedings 


160  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

thus  begun,  than  to  check  or  discountenance 
them  by  any  act  of  severity. 

In  general  orders  the  next  morning,  after 
censuring  the  anonymous  paper  and  invitation 
as  irregular  and  disorderly,  he  appointed  a  day 
and  hour  for  the  meeting  of  the  officers,  when 
they  might  "devise  what  further  measures 
ought  to  be  adopted,  as  most  rational,  and  best 
calculated  to  attain  the  object  in  view."  This 
was  followed  by  another  anonymous  address, 
in  a  tone  more  subdued  than  the  former,  but 
expressing  similar  sentiments,  and  representing 
the  orders  as  favorable  to  the  purpose  desired, 
the  time  of  meeting  only  being  changed. 
The  Commander-in-chief,  however,  took  care 
to  frustrate  the  design  of  this  interpretation  by 
conversing  individually  with  those  officers  in 
whom  he  had  the  greatest  confidence,  setting 
before  them  in  a  strong  light  the  danger  that 
would  attend  a  rash  or  precipitate  act  in  such 
a  crisis,  inculcating  moderation,  and  using  his 
utmost  efforts  to  appease  their  discontents,  and 
persuade  them  to  deliberate  without  passion, 
and  under  a  deep  conviction  that  the  vital  in 
terests  of  their  country  were  involved  in  the 
measures  they  should  adopt. 

When  the  officers  were  assembled  at  the 
time  appointed,  General  Washington  addressed 
them  in  very  impressive  terms,  reminding  them 


J£T.  51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  161 

of  the  cause  for  which  they  had  taken  up 
arms,  the  fidelity  and  constancy  with  which 
they  had  hitherto  devoted  themselves  to  that 
cause,  and  the  sacred  trust  which  was  still  re 
posed  in  them  as  the  defenders  of  their  coun 
try's  liberty ;  appealing  to  the  honor  and  pa 
triotism,  by  which  they  had  so  nobly  and  gen 
erously  shown  themselves  to  be  actuated  in 
the  perils  of  the  field,  and  amidst  the  unex 
ampled  sufferings  of  a  protracted  war;  and 
imploring  them  not  to  cast  a  shade  over  the 
glory  they  had  acquired,  nor  tarnish  their  well- 
earned  reputation,  nor  lessen  their  dignity,  by 
an  intemperate  or  indiscreet  act  at  the  moment 
when  the  great  object  of  their  toils  was 
achieved,  and  the  world  was  loud  in  its  praise 
of  their  valor,  fortitude,  and  success.  He  ac 
knowledged  the  equity  of  their  claims,  and 
the  reasonableness  of  their  complaints;  but 
he  deprecated  the  idea,  that  on  this  account 
they  should  distrust  the  plighted  faith  of  their 
country,  or  the  intentions  of  Congress;  ex 
pressing  his  firm  belief,  that,  before  they  should 
be  disbanded,  every  thing  would  be  adjusted 
to  their  satisfaction ;  and  pledging  himself, 
from  a  sense  of  gratitude  for  their  past  servi 
ces,  and  from  the  attachment  he  felt  to  an  ar 
my,  which  had  adhered  to  him  in  every  vicis 
situde  of  fortune,  to  employ  all  his  abilities 

VOL.    U.  11 


162  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

and  his  best  exertions  to  procure  for  them 
complete  justice,  as  far  as  it  could  be  done  con 
sistently  with  the  great  duty  he  owed  to  his 
country,  and  to  the  authority  which  every  citi 
zen  was  bound  to  respect. 

After  speaking  these  sentiments,  and  others 
of  a  similar  tendency,  suited  to  soothe  their 
feelings  and  inspire  confidence,  he  retired  from 
the  assembly.  The  deliberation  of  the  officers 
was  short,  and  their  decision  prompt  and  unan 
imous.  They  passed  resolutions,  thanking  the 
Commander-in-chief  for  the  course  he  had  pur 
sued,  and  expressive  of  their  unabated  attach 
ment  ;  and  also  declaring  their  unshaken  reli 
ance  on  the  good  faith  of  Congress  and  their 
country,  and  a  determination  to  bear  with  pa 
tience  their  grievances  till  in  due  time  they 
should  be  redressed.  A  full  account  of  the 
transactions  was  transmitted  to  Congress  and 
published  in  their  journals. 

The  incidents  are  clearly  and  briefly  related 
by  General  Washington  in  a  letter  to  Governor 
Harrison  of  Virginia,  written  immediately  af 
ter  their  occurrence. 

"  You  have  not  been  unacquainted,  I  dare 
say,  with  the  fears,  the  hopes,  the  apprehen 
sions,  and  the  expectations  of  the  army,  rela 
tive  to  the  provision  which  is  to  be  made  for 
them  hereafter.  Although  a  firm  reliance  on 


jET.  51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  163 

the  integrity  of  Congress,  and  a  belief  that  the 
public  would  finally  do  justice  to  all  its  ser 
vants  and  give  an  indisputable  security  for  the 
payment  of  the  half-pay  of  the  officers,  had 
kept  them  amidst  a  variety  of  sufferings  toler 
ably  quiet  and  contented  for  two  or  three  years 
past ;  yet  the  total  want  of  pay,  the  little 
prospect  of  receiving  any  from  the  unpromis 
ing  state  of  the  public  finances,  and  the  abso 
lute  aversion  of  the  States  to  establish  any 
Continental  funds  for  the  payment  of  the  debt 
due  to  the  army,  did  at  the  close  of  the  last 
campaign  excite  greater  discontents,  and  threat 
en  more  serious  and  alarming  consequences, 
than  it  is  easy  for  me  to  describe  or  you 
to  conceive.  Happily  for  us,  the  officers  of 
highest  rank  and  greatest  consideration  inter 
posed  ;  and  it  was  determined  to  address  Con 
gress  in  an  humble,  pathetic,  and  explicit  man 
ner. 

"  While  the  sovereign  power  appeared  per 
fectly  well  disposed  to  do  justice,  it  was  dis 
covered  that  the  States  would  enable  them  to 
do  nothing  ;  and,  in  this  state  of  affairs,  and 
after  some  time  spent  on  the  business  in  Phila 
delphia,  a  report  was  made  by  the  delegates  of 
the  army,  giving  a  detail  of  the  proceedings. 
Before  this  could  be  fully  communicated  to 
the  troops,  while  the  minds  of  all  were  in  a 


164  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

peculiar  state  of  inquietude  and  irritation,  an 
anonymous  writer,  though  he  did  not  step  forth 
and  give  his  name  boldly  to  the  world,  sent 
into  circulation  an  address  to  the  officers  of  the 
army,  which,  in  point  of  composition,  in  ele 
gance  and  force  of  expression,  has  rarely  been 
equalled  in  the  English  language,  and  in  which 
the  dreadful  alternative  was  proposed,  of  relin 
quishing  the  service  in  a  body  if  the  war  con 
tinued,  or  retaining  their  arms  in  case  of  peace, 
until  Congress  should  comply  with  all  their 
demands.  At  the  same  time,  and  at  the  mo 
ment  when  their  minds  were  inflamed  by  the 
most  pathetic  representations,  a  general  meet 
ing  of  the  officers  was  summoned  by  another 
anonymous  production. 

"It  is  impossible  to  say  what  would  have 
been  the  consequences,  had  the  author  suc 
ceeded  in  his  first  plans.  But  measures  hav 
ing  been  taken  to  postpone  the  meeting,  so  as 
to  give  time  for  cool  reflection  and  counterac 
tion,  the  good  sense  of  the  officers  has  termi 
nated  this  affair  in  a  manner,  which  reflects 
the  greatest  glory  on  themselves,  and  demands 
the  highest  expressions  of  gratitude  from  their 
country." 

Thus,  by  the  prudent  measures  of  the  Com 
mander-in-chief,  the  excitement  was  allayed, 
and  tranquillity  was  restored  to  the  army.  Nor 


JET.  51.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  165 

did  he  delay  to  fulfil  the  pledge  he  had  made, 
writing  to  Congress  with  an  earnestness  and 
force  of  argument,  which  showed  him  to  be 
moved  not  less  by  his  feelings,  than  by  a  sense 
of  duty,  in  asserting  the  rights  and  just  claims 
of  those,  who,  to  use  his  own  words,  "had  so 
long,  so  patiently,  and  so  cheerfully  suffered 
and  fought  under  his  direction,"  and  urging  a 
speedy  decision  in  their  favor.  His  represen 
tations  and  appeals  were  not  disregarded.  The 
subject  was  again  considered  in  Congress,  and 
the  requisite  number  of  States  voted  for  the 
commutation  of  half-pay,  and  for  the  other 
provisions  solicited  by  the  officers  in  their  me 
morial.* 

In  a  few  days  the  joyful  news  arrived,  that 
a  preliminary  treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed 
at  Paris.  The  intelligence  was  brought  in  a 
French  vessel  from  Cadiz,  with  a  letter  from 
the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  who  was  then  at 
that  place  preparing  for  an  expedition  to  the 
West  Indies  under  Count  d'Estaing.  Shortly 

*  The  anonymous  addresses  were  from  the  pen  of  Ma 
jor  John  Armstrong,  at  that  time  an  aid-de-camp  to  Gen 
eral  Gates.  They  were  written  at  the  request  of  several 
officers,  who  believed  that  the  tardy  proceedings  of  Con 
gress,  and  the  reluctance  of  that  body  to  recognise  the 
claims  of  the  public  creditors,  called  for  a  more  decided 
expression  of  the  sentiments  of  the  army. 


166  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

afterwards  Sir  Guy  Carleton  communicated  the 
same,  as  from  official  authority,  and  announced 
a  cessation  of  hostilities.  A  proclamation  to 
this  effect  was  made  to  the  American  army  on 
the  19th  of  April;  precisely  eight  years  from 
the  day  on  which  the  first  blood  was  shed  in 
this  memorable  contest  at  Lexington. 

Although  the  military  labors  of  General 
Washington  were  now  drawing  to  a  close,  in 
the  attainment  of  the  great  object  to  which  he 
had  devoted  himself  with  an  ardor,  constancy, 
endurance,  and  singleness  of  purpose,  that  had 
never  been  surpassed  by  any  commander,  yet 
his  anxiety  for  the  future  was  scarcely  dimin 
ished.  The  love  of  liberty,  which  had  prompt 
ed  him  to  such  trials  and  disinterested  exer 
tions  in  the  cause  of  his  country,  was  equally 
alive  to  the  success  of  that  cause  in  building 
up  the  fabric  of  freedom  on  a  firm  and  durable 
basis. 

The  preparation  of  a  plan  for  a  peace  es 
tablishment,  which  had  been  solicited  by  Con 
gress,  and  some  preliminary  arrangements  with 
the  British  commander  in  regard  to  the  evac 
uation  of  New  York,  occupied  him  several 
weeks.  For  these  latter  objects  he  had  a  per 
sonal  conference  with  Sir  Guy  Carleton  at 
Orangetown. 

The   circular  letter,  which  he  wrote  to  the 


^Er.  51.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  167 

governors  of  the  States,  as  his  last  official  com 
munication,  and  which  was  designed  to  be  laid 
before  the  several  legislatures,  is  remarkable 
for  its  ability,  the  deep  interest  it  manifests  for 
the  officers  and  soldiers,  who  had  fought  the 
battles  of  their  country,  the  soundness  of  its 
principles,  and  the  wisdom  of  its  counsels. 
Four  great  points  he  aims  to  enforce  as  essen 
tial  in  guiding  the  deliberations  of  every  public 
body,  and  as  claiming  the  serious  attention  of 
every  citizen,  namely,  an  indissoluble  union 
of  the  States  ;  a  sacred  regard  to  public  jus 
tice  ;  the  adoption  of  a  proper  military  peace 
establishment ;  and  a  pacific  and  friendly  dis 
position  among  the  people  of  the  States,  which 
should  induce  them  to  forget  local  prejudices, 
and  incline  them  to  mutual  concessions  for  the 
advantage  of  the  community.  These  he  calls 
the  pillars  by  which  alone  independence  and 
national  character  can  be  supported.  On  each 
of  these  topics  he  remarks  at  considerable 
length,  with  a  felicity  of  style  and  cogency  of 
reasoning  in  all  respects  worthy  of  the  subject. 
No  public  address  could  have  been  better 
adapted  to  the  state  of  the  times ;  and  coming 
from  such  a  source,  its  influence  on  the  minds 
of  the  people  must  have  been  effectual  and 
most  salutary. 

Many  of  the  troops  went  home  on  furlough  : 


168  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

and  General  Washington,  having  little  to  do  in 
camp  till  the  arrival  of  the  definitive  treaty, 
resolved  to  employ  the  interval  in  making  a 
tour  to  the  nortrnvard,  for  the  double  purpose 
of  gratifying  his  curiosity  in  visiting  the  scenes 
of  the  late  military  operations  in  that  quarter, 
and  of  ascertaining  from  observation  the  natu 
ral  resources  of  the  country.  In  company  with 
Governor  Clinton  he  ascended  the  Hudson  to 
Albany,  and  proceeded  thence  over  the  battle 
fields  of  Saratoga,  as  far  as  Ticonderoga  and 
Crown  Point.  Turning  then  to  the  Mohawk 
River,  he  extended  his  journey  westward  to 
Fort  Schuyler.  He  was  absent  from  Newburg 
nineteen  days.  Ever  regarding  the  condition 
and  affairs  of  his  country  on  a  comprehensive 
scale,  and  fixing  his  thoughts  on  its  importance 
as  a  nation,  he  saw,  while  on  this  tour,  the 
immense  advantages  that  would  result  from  a 
water  communication  between  the  Hudson  and 
the  great  lakes,  and  believed  in  its  practicabil 
ity.  His  hopes  and  his  anticipations  have 
since  been  realized  in  the  magnificent  work, 
opening  a  passage  for  boats  by  a  canal  from 
the  Hudson  to  Lake  Erie,  and  effected  by  the 
enterprise  and  wealth  of  the  State  of  New 
York. 

When  he  returned  to  Newburg,  he  found  a 
letter  from  the  President  of  Congress,  asking 


^Ex.  51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  169 

his  attendance  on  that  assembly,  then  in  ses 
sion  at  Princeton.  The  object  of  this  request 
was,  to  consult  him  on  the  arrangements  for 
peace,  and  other  public  concerns.  While  he 
was  making  preparations  to  leave  camp,  Con 
gress  conferred  on  him  new  honors.  It  was 
voted  unanimously,  that  an  equestrian  statue 
of  General  Washington  should  be  erected  at 
the  place  where  the  residence  of  Congress 
should  be  established,  and  that  it  should  be 
executed  by  the  best  artist  in  Europe,  under 
the  superintendence  of  the  Minister  of  the 
United  States  at  the  Court  of  Versailles. 

Leaving  the  army  under  the  immediate  com 
mand  of  General  Knox,  the  officers  higher  in 
rank  having  gone  home  by  permission,  Wash 
ington  obeyed  the  summons  of  Congress,  and 
went  to  Princeton,  where  he  was  introduced 
into  the  assembly  while  in  session  by  two  of 
the  members  appointed  for  the  purpose.  He 
was  then  addressed  by  the  President,  who  con 
gratulated  him  on  the  success  of  the  war,  in 
which  he  had  acted  so  conspicuous  and  impor 
tant  a  part.  "  In  other  nations,"  said  the  Pres 
ident,  "  many  have  performed  eminent  services, 
for  which  they  have  deserved  the  thanks  of 
the  public.  But  to  you,  Sir,  peculiar  praise  is 
due.  •  Your  services  have  been  essential  in  ac 
quiring  and  establishing  the  freedom  and  inde- 


170  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1733. 

pendence  of  your  country.  They  deserve  the 
grateful  acknowledgments  of  a  free  and  inde 
pendent  nation."  To  this  address  Washington 
replied  in  the  presence  of  Congress,  and  then 
retired.  A  house  was  provided  for  him  at 
Rocky  Hill,  three  or  four  miles  from  Prince 
ton,  where  he  resided,  holding  conferences  from 
time  to  time  with  committees  and  members  of 
Congress,  and  giving  counsel  on  such  subjects 
as  were  referred  to  his  consideration. 

A  large  part  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  had 
been  permitted  during  the  summer  to  retire 
from  the  army  on  furlough,  and  Congress  issued 
a  proclamation,  on  the  18th  of  October,  dis 
charging  them  from  further  service,  and  all 
others  who  had  been  engaged  to  serve  during 
the  war.  The  army  was  thus  in  effect  dis 
banded.  A  small  force  only  was  retained,  con 
sisting  of  such  troops  as  had  been  enlisted  for 
a  definite  time,  till  the  peace  establishment 
should  be  organized. 

This  proclamation  was  followed  by  General 
Washington's  farewell  address  to  the  army,  a 
performance  not  less  admirable  in  its  principles 
and  its  objects,  than  his  circular  letter  to  the 
States.  To  his  cordial  and  affectionate  thanks 
for  the  devotedness  of  the  officers  and  soldiers 
to  him  through  the  war,  and  for  the  manner  in 
which  they  had  discharged  their  duty,  he  adds 


J&T.  51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  171 

seasonable  advice  as  to  their  conduct  in  re 
suming  the  character  of  private  citizens,  and 
in  contributing  to  the  support  of  civil  govern 
ment.  "  Let  it  be  known  and  remembered," 
said  he,  "  that  the  reputation  of  the  federal  ar 
mies  is  established  beyond  the  reach  of  ma 
levolence  ;  and  let  a  consciousness  of  their 
achievements  and  fame  still  incite  the  men, 
who  composed  them,  to  honorable  actions  ; 
under  the  persuasion,  that  the  private  virtues 
of  economy,  prudence,  and  industry,  will  not 
be  less  amiable  in  civil  life,  than  the  more 
splendid  qualities  of  valor,  perseverance,  and 
enterprise  were  in  the  field.  Every  one  may 
rest  assured,  that  much,  very  much,  of  the  fu 
ture  happiness  of  the  officers  and  men  will  de 
pend  upon  the  wise  and  manly  conduct,  which 
shall  be  adopted  by  them  when  they  are  min 
gled  with  the  great  body  of  the  community. 
And,  although  the  General  has  so  frequently 
given  it  as  his  opinion  in  the  most  public  and 
explicit  manner,  that,  unless  the  principles  of 
the  Federal  Government  were  properly  sup 
ported,  and  the  powers  of  the  Union  increased, 
the  honor,  dignity,  and  justice  of  the  nation 
would  be  lost  for  ever  ;  yet  he  cannot  help 
repeating,  on  this  occasion,  so  interesting  a  sen 
timent,  and  leaving  it  as  his  last  injunction  to 
every  officer  and  every  soldier,  who  may  view 


172  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

the  subject  in  the  same  serious  point  o  light, 
to  add  his  best  endeavors  to  those  of  his  wor 
thy  fellow  citizens  towards  effecting  these 
great  and  valuable  purposes,  on  which  our 
very  existence  as  a  nation  so  materially  de 
pends." 

At  length  Sir  Guy  Carleton  received  orders 
from  the  ministry  to  evacuate  New  York,  and 
gave  notice  to  General  Washington  that  he 
should  soon  be  ready  for  that  event.  Delay 
had  been  occasioned  by  the  want  of  transports 
in  sufficient  numbers  to  send  to  Nova  Scotia 
the  refugees,  who  had  sought  protection  in 
New  York  during  the  war,  and  the  large 
amount  of  goods,  stores,  and  military  supplies, 
which  had  accumulated  in  that  city.  Many 
of  these  persons  would  gladly  have  remained 
in  the  country,  having  property  which  they 
desired  to  recover,  and  relatives  and  friends 
whom  they  were  reluctant  to  abandon ;  but 
they  were  exiled  by  the  laws  of  the  States, 
and  could  not  be  admitted  to  the  privileges  of 
a  residence  till  these  laws  were  repealed. 

Washington  repaired  to  West  Point,  to 
which  place  General  Knox  had  drawn  the 
troops,  that  still  remained  in  the  service.  Ar 
rangements  were  made  with  Governor  Clinton, 
the  chief  magistrate  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  by  which  the  city  was  to  be  delivered 


^T.  51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  173 

into  his  charge.  A  detachment  of  troops 
marched  from  West  Point  to  Haerlem,  and 
was  joined  there  by  General  Washington  and 
Governor  Clinton.  In  the  morning  of  the 
25th  of  November,  they  advanced  to  the  upper 
part  of  the  city,  where  they  continued  till  one 
o'clock,  when  the  British  parties  retired  from 
the  posts  in  that  quarter,  and  were  followed  by 
the  American  infantry  and  artillery,  preceded 
by  a  corps  of  dragoons.  Meantime  the  British 
troops  embarked.  Possession  being  thus  ta 
ken  of  the  city,  the  military  officers,  and  the 
civil  officers  of  the  State,  made  a  public  entry. 
The  General  and  Governor  rode  at  the  head 
of  the  procession  on  horseback.  Then  came 
in  regular  succession  the  lieutenant-governor 
and  members  of  the  council,  General  Knox 
and  the  officers  of  the  army,  the  speaker  of 
the  Assembly  and  citizens.  They  were  es 
corted  by  a  body  of  Westchester  light-horse, 
as  a  compliment  to  the  Governor  and  civil  au 
thority  ;  the  Continental  military  jurisdiction 
being  supposed  to  have  ceased,  or  at  least  to 
have  been  suspended  in  deference  to  the  civil 
power  of  the  State.  Governor  Clinton  gave  a 
public  entertainment,  with  which  the  transac 
tions  of  the  day  were  closed.  Perfect  order 
and  quiet  prevailed  from  the  beginning  to  the 
end,  and  no  untoward  incident  occurred  to  mar 


174  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

the  interest  of  an  occasion,  which  had  been 
so  long  wished  for,  and  was  so  joyfully  wel 
comed. 

A  trial  of  feeling  now  awaited  the  Comman 
der-in-chief,  which  for  the  moment  was  more 
severe  and  painful,  than  any  he  had  been  call 
ed  to  bear.  The  time  had  arrived,  when  he 
was  to  bid  a  final  adieu  to  his  companions  in 
arms,  to  many  of  whom  he  was  bound  by  the 
strongest  ties  of  friendship,  and  for  all  of  whom 
he  felt  a  lively  gratitude  and  sincere  regard. 
"  This  affecting  interview  took  place  on  the 
4th  of  December.  At  noon,  the  principal  of 
ficers  of  the  army  assembled  at  Frances's  tav 
ern,  soon  after  which  their  beloved  commander 
entered  the  room.  His  emotions  were  too 
strong  to  be  concealed.  Filling  a  glass,  he 
turned  to  them  and  said,  c  With  a  heart  full  of 
love  and  gratitude,  I  now  take  leave  of  you  ; 
I  most  devoutly  wish,  that  your  latter  days 
may  be  as  prosperous  and  happy,  as  your  for 
mer  ones  have  been  glorious  and  honorable.' 
Having  drunk,  he  added,  'I  cannot  come  to 
each  of  you  to  take  my  leave,  but  shall  be 
obliged  if  each  of  you  will  come  and  take  me 
by  the  hand.'  General  Knox,  being  nearest, 
turned  to  him.  Washington,  incapable  of  ut 
terance,  grasped  his  hand,  and  embraced  him. 
In  the  same  affectionate  manner  he  took  leave 


JEr.  51]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  175 

of  each  succeeding  officer.  The  tear  of  man 
ly  sensibility  was  in  every  eye ;  and  not  a 
word  was  articulated  to  interrupt  the  dignified 
silence  and  the  tenderness  of  the  scene.  Leav 
ing  the  room,  he  passed  through  the  corps  of 
light  infantry,  and  walked  to  White  Hall, 
where  a  barge  waited  to  convey  him  to  Paulus 
Hook.  The  whole  company  followed  in  mute 
and  solemn  procession,  with  dejected  counte 
nances,  testifying  feelings  of  delicious  melan 
choly,  which  no  language  can  describe.  Hav 
ing  entered  the  barge,  he  turned  to  the  com 
pany,  and,  waving  his  hat,  bid  them  a  silent 
adieu.  They  paid  him  the  same  affectionate 
compliment ;  and,  after  the  barge  had  left 
them,  returned  in  the  same  solemn  manner  to 
the  place  where  they  had  assembled."* 

Congress  had  adjourned  from  Princeton  to 
Annapolis  in  Maryland.  Washington  travelled 
slowly  to  that  place,  greeted  everywhere  on 
the  road  by  the  acclamations  of  his  fellow  citi 
zens,  and  the  most  gratifying  tokens  of  their 
love  and  respect.  As  he  passed  along,  public 
addresses  were  presented  to  him  by  the  legis 
latures  of  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  Mary 
land,  the  Philosophical  Society  and  the  Univer 
sity  in  Philadelphia,  citizens  of  towns  in  their 

*  MARSHALL'S  Life,  of  Washington,  2d  ed.,  Vol.  II. 
p.  57. 


176  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1783. 

corporate  capacity,  religious  societies,  and  va 
rious  incorporated  associations.  Arrived  at  the 
seat  of  Congress,  he  informed  the  President, 
that  he  was  ready  to  resign  the  commission, 
with  which  he  had  been  honored  in  the  ser 
vice  of  his  country.  This  ceremony  was  per 
formed  in  the  Hall  of  Congress  on  the  23d  of 
December,  all  the  members  and  a  large  con 
course  of  spectators  being  present.  At  the 
close  of  his  address  on  this  occasion,  he  said ; 
"  Having  now  finished  the  work  assigned  me, 
I  retire  from  the  great  theatre  of  action  ;  and, 
bidding  an  affectionate  farewell  to  this  august 
body,  under  whose  orders  I  have  so  long  acted, 
I  here  offer  my  commission,  and  take  my  leave 
of  all  the  employments  of  public  life."  He 
then  advanced  and  gave  his  commission  into 
the  hands  of  the  President,  who  replied  to  his 
address.  The  ceremony  being  ended,  he  with 
drew  from  the  assembly,  divested  of  his  offi 
cial  character,  and  sustaining  no  other  rank 
than  that  of  a  private  citizen. 

The  next  morning  he  left  Annapolis,  and 
reached  Mount  Vernon  the  same  day,  having 
been  absent  in  the  command  of  the  army 
somewhat  more  than  eight  years  and  a  half, 
during  which  period  he  had  never  been  at  his 
own  house  except  accidentally  while  on  his 
way  with  Count  de  Rochambeau  to  Yorktown, 
and  in  returning  from  that  expedition. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  177 


CHAPTER   XXXI. 


He  declines  receiving  pecuniary  Compensation  for  his  public 
Services.  —  His  Feelings  on  being  relieved  from  the  Burden  of 
Office.  —  Devotes  himself  to  Agriculture.  —  Makes  a  Tour  to 
the  Western  Country.  — His  extensive  Plans  for  internal  Navi 
gation.  —  These  Plans  adopted  by  the  State  of  Virginia.  —  Visit 
of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  to  America.  —  Washington  refuses 
to  accept  a  Donation  from  the  State  of  Virginia.  —  His  liberal 
Acts  for  the  Encouragement  of  Education.  —  Approves  the 
Countess  of  Huntington's  Scheme  for  civilizing  and  Christian 
izing  the  Indians. 


GENERAL  WASHINGTON  believed  his  career 
as  a  public  man  to  be  now  at  an  end.  He 
seems  indeed  to  have  formed  a  resolution  never 
again  to  leave  his  retirement,  unless  called  out 
by  some  great  exigency  in  the  affairs  of  his 
country,  which  at  that  time  he  neither  foresaw 
nor  expected.  However  much  he  might  have 
been  gratified  with  the  honors  bestowed  upon 
him  by  his  countrymen,  with  the  success  of 
his  long  and  unwearied  services,  and  the  ap 
plause  of  the  whole  civilized  world,  it  was 
nevertheless  with  a  heartfelt  delight  which 
none  of  these  could  give,  that  he  returned  to 
the  quiet  scenes  and  congenial  employments 
of  private  life.  For  we  may  here  repeat  what 
has  been  said  in  a  former  part  of  this  narrative, 
that  no  occupations  interested  him  so  much, 

VOL.    II.  12 


178  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1784. 

or  engaged  his  thoughts  so  constantly,  as  those 
of  the  practical  agriculturist.  He  was  fond 
of  adorning  and  improving  his  grounds  as  an 
amusement,  and  was  devoted  to  the  cultivation 
of  his  farms,  upon  a  thorough,  economical,  and 
systematic  plan,  both  as  a  means  of  increasing 
his  property,  and  as  being  suited  to  his  tastes 
arid  early  habits. 

His  first  care,  after  establishing  himself  at 
Mount  Yernon,  was  to  examine  minutely  into 
the  state  of  his  private  affairs,  which  had  be 
come  deranged  by  his  long  absence  and  the 
disorders  of  the  times.  His  fortune  was  am 
ple  for  a  republican  citizen,  and  a  man  who 
derived  neither  consequence  nor  pleasure  from 
display,  but  it  had  necessarily  suffered  a  dimi 
nution  during  the  war.  Adhering  rigidly  to 
the  resolution  he  had  formed,  when  he  accept 
ed  the  command  of  the  army,  not  to  receive 
any  remuneration  from  the  public,  either  in 
the  shape  of  pay  or  other  pecuniary  reward, 
he  now  considered  it  a  duty  to  repair  the  loss 
es  he  had  sustained,  as  well  by  economy  in 
his  style  of  living,  as  by  all  the  usual  efforts 
to  increase  the  productiveness  of  his  estates. 

Some  of  his  countrymen,  estimating  his  ser 
vices  to  the  public  at  their  just  value,  and 
knowing  the  injury  his  private  affairs  had  suf 
fered  in  consequence  of  them,  hoped  to  change 


^T.  52.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  179 

his  purpose  of  refusing  pecuniary  compensa 
tion.  A  few  days  before  he  resigned  his  com 
mission,  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  of 
Pennsylvania  sent  the  following  instructions  on 
this  subject  to  the  delegates  in  Congress  from 
that  State. 

"  Though  his  Excellency  General  Washing 
ton  proposes  in  a  short  time  to  retire,  yet  his 
illustrious  actions  and  virtues  render  his  char 
acter  so  splendid  and  venerable,  that  it  is 
highly  probable  the  admiration  and  esteem  of 
the  world  may  make  his  life  in  a  very  consid 
erable  degree  public,  as  numbers  will  be  desir 
ous  of  seeing  the  great  and  good  man,  who 
has  so  eminently  contributed  to  the  happiness 
of  a  nation.  His  very  services  to  his  country 
may  therefore  subject  him  to  expenses,  unless 
he  permits  her  gratitude  to  interpose. 

"  We  are  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  dis 
interestedness  and  generosity  of  his  soul.  He 
thinks  himself  amply  rewarded  for  all  his  la 
bors  and  cares,  by  the  love  and  prosperity  of 
his  fellow  citizens.  It  is  true,  no  rewards 
they  can  bestow  can  be  equal  to  his  merits. 
But  they  ought  not  to  suffer  those  merits  to  be 
burdensome  to  him.  We  are  convinced  that 
the  people  of  Pennsylvania  would  regret  such 
a  consequence. 

"  We  are  aware  of  the  delicacy,  with  which 


ISO  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1784. 

this  subject  must  be  treated.  But,  relying 
upon  the  good  sense  of  Congress,  we  wish  it 
may  engage  their  early  attention." 

These  instructions  were  received  by  the 
delegates,  and  a  copy  was  forwarded  to  Gen 
eral  Washington  after  he  had  arrived  at  Mount 
Yernon.  It  was  not  thought  advisable  to  lay 
them  before  Congress,  or  take  any  steps  in  ful 
filling  them,  without  his  previous  knowledge 
and  approbation.  In  this  case,  as  in  every 
other,  he  acted  consistently  with  his  character. 
He  promptly  declined  the  intended  favor.  All 
proceedings  on  the  subject  were  accordingly 
stopped.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  that  the 
sentiments  of  the  Executive  Council  of  Penn 
sylvania  would  have  been  responded  to  by  the 
whole  nation,  and  that  a  liberal  grant  from 
Congress  would  everywhere  have  met  with  a 
cordial  assent. 

The  feelings  of  Washington,  on  being  re 
lieved  from  the  solicitude  and  burdens  of  office, 
were  forcibly  expressed  in  letters  to  his  friends. 
"At  length,"  said  he,  in  writing  to  Lafayette, 
"  I  am  become  a  private  citizen,  on  the  banks 
of  the  Potomac  •  and,  under  the  shadow  of 
my  own  vine  and  my  own  figtree,  free  from 
the  bustle  of  a  camp,  and  the  busy  scenes  of 
public  life,  I  am  solacing  myself  with  those 
tranquil  enjoyments,  of  which  the  soldier,  who 


^T.52.j  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  181 

is  ever  in  pursuit  of  fame,  the  statesman, 
whose  watchful  days  and  sleepless  nights  are 
spent  in  devising  schemes  to  promote  the  wel 
fare  of  his  own,  perhaps  the  ruin  of  other 
countries,  as  if  this  globe  was  insufficient  for 
us  all,  and  the  courtier,  who  is  always  watch 
ing  the  countenance  of  his  prince,  in  hopes  of 
catching  a  gracious  smile,  can  have  very  little 
conception.  I  have  not  only  retired  from  all 
public  employments,  but  I  am  retiring  within 
myself,  and  shall  be  able  to  view  the  solitary 
walk,  and  tread  the  paths  of  private  life,  with 
a  heartfelt  satisfaction.  Envious  of  none,  I 
am  determined  to  be  pleased  with  all  ;  and 
this,  my  dear  friend,  being  the  order  for  my 
march,  I  will  move  gently  down  the  stream  of 
life,  until  I  sleep  with  my  fathers." 

To  General  Knox  he  wrote  ;  "  I  am  just 
beginning  to  experience  that  ease  and  freedom 
from  public  cares,  which,  however  desirable, 
takes  some  time  to  realize  j  for,  strange  as  it 
may  seem,  it  is  nevertheless  true,  that  it  was 
not  till  lately  I  could  get  the  better  of  my  usu 
al  custom  of  ruminating,  as  soon  as  I  waked 
in  the  morning,  on  the  business  of  the  ensuing 
day  ;  and  of  my  surprise  at  finding,  after  re 
volving  many  things  in  my  mind,  that  I  was 
no  longer  a  public  man,  nor  had  any  thing  to 
do  with  public  transactions.  I  feel  now,  how- 


182  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1784. 

ever,  as  I  conceive  a  wearied  traveller  must  do, 
who,  after  treading  many  a  painful  step  with  a 
heavy  burden  on  his  shoulders,  is  eased  of  the 
latter,  having  reached  the  haven  to  which  all 
the  former  were  directed,  and  from  his  house 
top  is  looking  back,  and  tracing  with  an  eager 
eye  the  meanders  by  which  he  escaped  the 
quicksands  and  mires  which  lay  in  his  way  ; 
and  into  which  none  but  the  all-powerful  Guide 
and  Dispenser  of  human  events  could  have 
prevented  his  falling." 

The  time  and  thoughts  of  Washington  were 
now  confined  to  his  farms,  and  to  such  acts 
of  hospitality  as  were  demanded  by  the  nu 
merous  visits  from  strangers  and  his  acquaint 
ances,  who  were  drawn  to  Mount  Vernon  by 
motives  of  curiosity,  admiration,  and  respect. 
However  onerous  these  visits  might  be,  on 
some  occasions,  his  house  was  open  to  all  that 
came,  and  his  personal  civilities  were  so  ren 
dered  as  to  strengthen  the  affections  of  his 
friends,  and  win  the  esteem  of  those,  who  had 
known  him  only  by  his  fame,  and  revered  him 
for  his  public  character.  And  it  is  but  just  to 
say,  that  in  all  these  duties  Mrs.  Washington 
performed  her  part  with  such  discretion,  assi 
duity,  and  courtesy,  without  ostentation  on  the 
one  hand  or  constraint  on  the  other,  as,  at  the 
same  time  that  it  proved  the  goodness  of  her 


J£T.  52.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  183 

heart  and  her  power  to  please,  insured  the  com 
fort  and  enjoyment  of  her  guests,  and  con 
vinced  them  of  the  domestic  harmony  and 
happiness,  that  reigned  in  the  mansion  at 
Mount  Vernon. 

In  the  month  of  September,  1784,  Wash 
ington  made  a  tour  to  the  Western  country,  for 
the  purpose  of  inspecting  the  lands  he  owned 
beyond  the  Allegariy  Mountains,  and  also  of 
ascertaining  the  practicability  of  opening  a 
communication  between  the  head  waters  of  the 
rivers  running  eastward  into  the  Atlantic,  and 
those  that  flow  westward  to  the  Ohio.  The 
extent  of  this  journey  was  six  hundred  and 
eighty  miles,  the  whole  of  which  he  travelled 
-on  horseback,  using  pack-horses  for  the  con 
veyance  of  a  tent,  the  necessary  baggage,  and 
such  supplies  as  could  not  be  procured  in  the 
wild  and  unsettled  regions  through  which  he 
was  to  pass.  He  crossed  the  mountains  by  the 
usual  route  of  Braddock's  Road,  and  spent  sev 
eral  days  in  surveying  and  inspecting  his  lands 
on  the  Monongahela  River,  a  part  of  which  was 
occupied  by  settlers.  His  first  intention  was  to 
descend  the  Ohio,  as  he  had  done  in  the  year 
1770.  to  the  Great  Kenhawa,  where  he  owned 
a  large  tract  of  wild  land  ;  but  the  hostile  tem 
per  of  the  Indians  rendering  this  expedition 
hazardous,  and  the  motive  not  being  strong 


184  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1784. 

enough  to  induce  him  to  run  risks,  he  advanced 
westward  no  further  than  the  Monongahela. 
Returning  by  a  circuitous  route,  he  passed 
through  the  heart  of  the  wilderness,  first  as 
cending  the  Monongahela  River,  and  thence 
traversing  the  country  far  to  the  south  between 
the  ridges  of  the  Allegany  Mountains,  with  the 
special  view  of  deciding  the  question  in  his 
own  mind,  whether  the  Potomac  and  James 
Rivers  could  be  connected  by  internal  naviga 
tion  with  the  western  waters.  He  conversed 
on  the  subject  with  every  intelligent  person  he 
met,  and  kept  a  journal  in  which  he  recorded 
the  results  of  his  observations  and  inquiries. 

His  thoughts  had  been  turned  to  this  enter 
prise  before  the  Revolution ;  and,  since  the 
peace,  he  had  used  unwearied  diligence  by  an 
extensive  correspondence  to  procure  facts  re 
specting  the  rivers  falling  into  the  Ohio  from 
the  west,  and  into  the  great  Lakes,  and  also 
the  distances  from  various  navigable  points 
in  those  rivers  and  lakes  to  the  head  waters 
of  the  streams  flowing  towards  the  Atlantic. 
Soon  after  returning  from  his  western  tour,  he 
communicated  to  the  governor  of  Virginia  the 
fruits  of  his  investigations  in  a  letter,  one  of 
the  ablest,  most  sagacious,  and  most  important 
productions  of  his  pen.  Presenting  first  a 
clear  state  of  the  question,  and  showing  the 


^T.  52.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  185 

practicability  of  facilitating  the  intercourse  of 
trade  between  the  east  and  the  west  by  im 
proving  and  extending  the  water  communica 
tions,  he  then  proceeds  by  a  train  of  unan 
swerable  argument  and  illustration  to  explain 
the  immense  advantages,  that  would  arise  from 
such  a  measure,  in  strengthening  the  union  of 
the  States,  multiplying  the  resources  of  trade, 
and  promoting  the  prosperity  of  the  country. 

At  this  time  the  State  of  Virginia,  being 
large  arid  powerful,  stretching  on  one  side  to 
the  Atlantic  ocean  and  on  the  other  to  the 
western  waters,  and  having  in  its  bosom  two 
noble  rivers  descending  from  the  summits  of 
the  Alleganies,  he  thought  the  most  favorably 
situated  for  beginning  the  great  work.  He 
recommended,  therefore,  as  a  preliminary  step, 
that  commissioners  should  be  appointed  to  sur 
vey  the  Potomac  and  James  Rivers  from  tide 
water  to  their  sources,  and  the  portages  be 
tween  them  and  the  principal  western  streams, 
following  these  streams  to  their  junction  with 
the  Ohio,  measuring  with  accuracy  the  distan 
ces,  noting  the  obstructions  to  be  removed,  and 
estimating  the  probable  expense.  He  also  ad 
vised  a  similar  survey  of  the  rivers  west  of  the 
Ohio,  as  far  as  Detroit.  "  These  things  being 
done,"  said  he,  "  I  shall  be  mistaken  if  preju 
dice  does  not  yield  to  facts,  jealousy  to  candor, 


186  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1784. 

and  finally,  if  reason  and  nature,  thus  aided, 
do  not  dictate  what  is  right  and  proper  to  be 
done."  The  governor  laid  this  letter  before 
the  legislature.  It  was  the  first  suggestion  of 
the  great  system  of  internal  improvements, 
which  has  since  been  pursued  in  the  United 
States. 

A  short  time  before  his  journey  to  the  west, 
Washington  had  the  satisfaction  of  receiving 
at  Mount  Vernon  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  for 
whom  he  cherished  the  warmest  friendship, 
heightened  by  gratitude  for  the  disinterested 
ness  and  ardor  with  which  he  had  espoused 
the  cause  of  American  freedom,  and  the  sig 
nal  services  he  had  rendered.  Two  or  three 
months  were  passed  by  Lafayette  in  the  mid 
dle  and  eastern  States,  and  in  November  he 
arrived  at  Richmond  in  Virginia.  Washington 
met  him  at  that  place,  where  they  were  both 
received  with  public  honors  by  the  legislature 
then  in  session.  They  returned  together  to 
Mount  Vernon  ;  and,  when  Lafayette's  visit 
was  concluded,  Washington  accompanied  him 
on  his  way  to  Annapolis. 

In  a  letter  to  Lafayette's  wife  he  said  ;  "  We 
restore  the  Marquis  to  you  in  good  health, 
crowned  with  wreaths  of  love  and  respect  from 
every  part  of  the  Union."  The  parting  of  the 
two  friends  was  affecting,  and  showed  the 


J£T.  52.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  187 

strength  of  the  ties  by  which  they  were  unit 
ed.  As  soon  as  he  reached  home,  Washington 
wrote  to  him  as  follows.  "  In  the  moment  of 
our  separation,  upon  the  road  as  I  travelled, 
and  every  hour  since,  I  have  felt  all  that  love, 
respect,  and  attachment  for  you,  with  which 
length  of  years,  close  connexion,  and  your 
merits  have  inspired  me.  I  often  asked  my 
self,  as  our  carriages  separated,  whether  that 
was  the  last  sight  I  ever  should  have  of  you  ? 
And,  though  I  wished  to  say  No,  my  fears  an 
swered  Yes.  I  called  to  mind  the  days  of  my 
youth,  and  found  they  had  long  since  fled  to 
return  no  more  :  that  I  was  now  descending 
the  hill  I  had  been  fifty-two  years  climbing, 
and  that,  though  I  was  blest  with  a  good  con 
stitution,  I  was  of  a  short-lived  family,  and 
might  soon  expect  to  be  entombed  in  the  man 
sion  of  my  fathers.  These  thoughts  darkened 
the  shades,  and  gave  a  gloom  to  the  picture, 
and  consequently  to  my  prospect  of  seeing  you 
again/''  This  melancholy  presage  was  fulfill 
ed.  They  never  met  afterwards.  But  their 
attachment  remained  indissoluble,  and  Wash 
ington  lived  to  sympathize  in  the  misfortunes 
of  his  friend,  and  to  have  the  consolation  of 
using  all  the  means  in  his  power  to  rescue  him 
from  the  sufferings  he  so  long  endured  in  a 
cruel  imprisonment. 


188  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1784. 

The  hopes  of  General  Washington,  in  re 
gard  to  his  favorite  scheme  of  internal  naviga 
tion,  were  more  than  realized.  The  legislature 
of  Virginia,  after  duly  considering  his  letter  to 
the  governor,  not  only  appointed  the  commis 
sion  for  surveys,  but  organized  two  companies, 
called  the  Potomac  Company  and  the  James 
River  Company,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying 
the  plan  into  effect.  They  moreover  compli 
mented  him  without  a  dissenting  voice,  by  a 
donation  of  fifty  shares  in  the  former  company, 
and  one  hundred  shares  in  the  latter  ;  the  fifty 
shares  being  estimated  at  ten  thousand  dollars, 
and  the  others  at  five  thousand  pounds  sterling. 
Aware  of  his  delicacy  on  the  subject  of  re 
ceiving  money  from  the  public,  the  legislature 
contrived  to  frame  the  preamble  of  the  act  in 
such  language,  as,  it  was  hoped,  would  re 
move  his  scruples.  "  It  is  the  desire  of  the 
representatives  of  this  commonwealth  to  em 
brace  every  suitable  occasion  of  testifying 
their  sense  of  the  unexampled  merits  of  George 
Washington  towards  his  country  ;  and  it  is 
their  wish  in  particular,  that  those  great  works 
for  its  improvement,  which,  both  as  springing 
from  the  liberty  which  he  has  been  so  instru 
mental  in  establishing,  and  as  encouraged  by 
his  patronage,  will  be  durable  monuments  of 


jEr.52.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  189 

his  glory,  may  be  made  monuments  also  of  the 
gratitude  of  his  country." 

If  he  was  highly  gratified,  as  he  must  have 
been,  with  this  public  testimony  of  affection 
and  respect,  he  was  scarcely  less  embarrassed 
by  it.  Not  that  he  hesitated,  as  to  the  course 
he  should  pursue,  but  the  grant  had  been 
made  in  so  liberal  a  manner,  and  from  motives 
so  pure,  that  he  feared  a  refusal  might  be  re 
garded  in  an  unfavorable  light,  as  evincing 
either  ingratitude  to  his  friends,  or  a  disposi 
tion  to  gain  applause  by  a  show  of  disinterest 
edness,  unusual  if  not  unnecessary.  He  stated 
his  difficulties  freely  in  private  letters  to  the 
governor,  and  to  some  of  the  principal  mem 
bers  of  the  legislature ;  declaring,  at  the  same 
time,  that  he  could  not,  consistently  with  his 
principles,  accept  the  proffered  gift  in  such  a 
way,  that  he  should  derive  from  it  any  emolu 
ment  to  himself.  A  positive  decision  was  not 
required  till  the  next  session  of  the  legislature, 
when  he  wrote  officially  to  the  governor  de 
clining  the  grant ;  but,  lest  the  operations  of 
the  companies  should  be  retarded  by  with 
drawing  the  subscriptions  for  the  shares,  which 
had  been  made  by  the  treasurer  on  his  account, 
he  suggested,  that,  if  the  Assembly  should 
think  proper  to  submit  to  him  the  appropriation 
of  them  for  some  object  of  a  public  nature,  he 


190  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


would  accept  the  trust.  His  proposition  was 
cheerfully  acceded  to  ;  and,  by  an  act  of  the 
Assembly,  the  shares  were  assigned  to  such 
public  objects,  as  he  should  direct  during  his 
life,  or  by  his  last  will  and  testament. 

The  purpose,  which  he  first  had  in  view, 
was  the  encouragement  of  education,  and  this 
purpose  was  ultimately  accomplished.  Some 
time  before  his  death,  he  made  over  the  shares 
in  the  James  River  Company  to  an  institution 
in  Rockbridge  County,  then  called  Liberty 
Hall  Academy.  The  name  has  since  been 
changed  to  Washington  College.  The  fifty 
shares  in  the  Potomac  Company  he  bequeathed 
in  perpetuity  for  the  endowment  of  a  univer 
sity  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  government ;  and,  if  such  a 
seminary  should  not  be  established  by  the 
government,  the  fund  was  to  increase  till  it 
should  be  adequate,  with  such  other  resources 
as  might  be  obtained,  for  the  accomplishment 
of  the  design.  The  establishing  of  a  national 
university  was  always  one  of  his  favorite 
schemes.  He  recommended  it  in  his  mes 
sages  to  Congress,  and  often  in  his  letters 
spoke  of  the  advantages,  which  would  be  de 
rived  from  it  to  the  nation. 

It  may  here  be  added,  that  he  was  a  zealous 
advocate  for  schools  and  literary  institutions 


jEx.53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  191 

of  every  kind,  and  sought  to  promote  them, 
whenever  an  opportunity  offered,  by  his  public 
addresses  and  by  private  benefactions.  In  this 
spirit  he  accepted  the  chancellorship  of  Wil 
liam  and  Mary  College,  being  earnestly  solicit 
ed  by  the  trustees.  In  his  answer  to  them, 
accepting  the  appointment,  he  said ;  "I  rely 
fully  in  your  strenuous  endeavors  for  placing 
the  system  on  such  a  basis,  as  will  render  it 
most  beneficial  to  the  State  and  the  republic 
of  letters,  as  well  as  to  the  more  extensive 
interests  of  humanity  and  religion."  The 
chancellor's  duty  consisted  chiefly  in  suggest 
ing  and  approving  measures  for  the  manage 
ment  of  the  college,  and  in  recommending 
professors  and  teachers  to  fill  vacancies  in  the 
departments  of  instruction. 

The  acts  of  charity  by  which  he  contribut 
ed  from  his  private  means  to  foster  education 
were  not  few  nor  small.  During  many  years, 
he  gave  fifty  pounds  annually  for  the  instruc 
tion  of  indigent  children  in  Alexandria;  and 
by  will  he  left  a  legacy  of  four  thousand  dol 
lars,  the  net  income  of  which  was  to  be  used 
for  the  same  benevolent  object  for  ever.  Two 
or  three  instances  are  known,  in  which  he 
offered  to  pay  the  expenses  of  young  men 
through  their  collegiate  course.  When  Gen 
eral  Greene  died,  he  proposed  to  take  under 


192  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1785. 

his  protection  one  of  the  sons  of  his  departed 
friend,  pay  the  charges  of  his  education,  and 
bring  him  forward  into  life.  Fortunately  the 
circumstances,  in  which  General  Greene  left 
his  family,  rendered  this  act  of  munificence 
and  paternal  care  unnecessary.  Other  exam 
ples  might  be  cited  ;  and,  from  his  cautious 
habit  of  concealing  from  the  world  his  deeds 
of  charity,  it  may  be  presumed  many  others 
are  unknown,  in  which  his  heart  and  his  hand 
were  open  to  the  relief  of  indigent  merit. 

The  Countess  of  Huntington,  celebrated  for 
her  religious  enthusiasm  and  liberal  charities, 
formed  a  scheme  for  civilizing  and  Christian 
izing  the  North  American  Indians.  Being  a 
daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Ferrers,  who  was  de 
scended  through  the  female  line  from  a  remote 
branch  of  the  Washington  family,  she  claimed 
relationship  to  General  Washington,  and  wrote 
to  him  several  letters  respecting  her  project  of 
benevolence  and  piety  in  America.  It  was  her 
design  to  form,  at  her  own  charge,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  some  of  the  Indian  tribes,  a 
settlement  of  industrious  emigrants,  who,  by 
their  example  and  habits,  should  gradually  in 
troduce  among  them  the  arts  of  civilization ; 
and  missionaries  were  to  teach  them  the  prin 
ciples  of  Christianity.  Lady  Huntington  pro 
posed,  that  the  government  of  the  United 


JET.  53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  193 

States  should  grant  a  tract  of  wild  lands  upon 
which  her  emigrants  and  missionaries  should 
establish  themselves.  A  scheme,  prompted  by 
motives  so  pure,  and  founded  on  so  rational  a 
basis,  gained  at  once  the  approbation  and  coun 
tenance  of  Washington.  He  wrote  to  the 
President  of  Congress,  and  to  the  governors 
of  some  of  the  States,  expressing  favorable 
sentiments  of  Lady  Huntington's  application. 
Political  and  local  reasons  interfered  to  defeat 
the  plan.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  thought 
doubtful  whether  a  colony  of  foreigners  set 
tled  on  the  western  frontier,  near  the  English 
on  one  side  and  the  Spaniards  on  the  other, 
would  in  the  end  prove  conducive  to  the  pub 
lic  tranquillity.  And,  in  the  next  place,  the 
States  individually  had  ceded  all  their  wild 
lands  to  the  Union,  and  Congress  were  not 
certain  that  they  possessed  power  to  grant  any 
portion  of  the  new  territory  for  such  an  object. 
Hence  the  project  was  laid  aside,  although 
Washington  offered  to  facilitate  it  as  far  as  he 
could  on  a  smaller  scale,  by  allowing  settlers 
to  occupy  his  own  lands,  and  be  employed 
according  to  Lady  Huntington's  views. 

VOL.  u.  13 


194  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1785. 


CHAPTER   XXXII. 


His  Operations  in  Farming  and  Horticulture.  —  Visitors  at  Mount 
Vernon.  —  His  Habits.  —  Houdon's  Statue.  —  Condition  of  the 
Country  and  Defects  of  the  Confederacy.  —  Washington's  Sen 
timents  thereon. —  First  Steps  towards  effecting  a  Reform. — 
Convention  at  Annapolis. 


IN  the  spring  of  1785,  he  was  engaged  for 
several  weeks  in  planting  his  grounds  at  Mount 
Vernon  with  trees  and  shrubs.  To  this  inter 
esting  branch  of  husbandry  he  had  devoted 
considerable  attention  before  the  war,  and  dur 
ing  that  period  he  had  endeavored  to  carry  out 
his  plans  of  improvement.  In  some  of  his 
letters  from  camp,  he  gave  minute  directions 
to  his  manager  for  removing  and  planting 
trees  ;  but  want  of  skill  and  other  causes  pre 
vented  these  directions  from  being  complied 
with,  except  in  a  very  imperfect  manner.  The 
first  year  after  the  war,  he  applied  himself 
mainly  to  farming  operations,  with  the  view 
of  restoring  his  neglected  fields  and  commenc 
ing  a  regular  system  of  practical  agriculture. 
He  gradually  abandoned  the  cultivation  of 
tobacco,  which  exhausted  his  lands,  and  sub 
stituted  wheat  and  grass,  as  better  suited  to 
the  soil,  and  in  the  aggregate  more  profitable. 


Mr.  53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  195 

He  began  a  new  method  of  rotation  of  crops» 
in  which  he  studied  the  particular  qualities  of 
the  soil  in  the  different  parts  of  his  farms, 
causing  wheat,  maize,  potatoes,  oats,  grass, 
and  other  crops  to  succeed  each  other  in  the 
same  field  at  stated  times.  So  exact  was  he 
in  this  method,  that  he  drew  out  a  scheme  in 
which  all  his  fields  were  numbered,  and  the 
crops  assigned  to  them  for  several  years  in 
advance.  It  proved  so  successful,  that  he  pur 
sued  it  to  the  end  of  his  life,  with  occasional 
slight  deviations  by  way  of  experiment. 

Having  thus  arranged  and  systematized  his 
agricultural  operations,  he  now  set  himself  at 
work  in  earnest  to  execute  his  purpose  of 
planting  and  adorning  the  grounds  around  the 
mansion-house.  In  the  direction  of  the  left 
wing,  and  at  a  considerable  distance,  was  a 
vegetable  garden ;  and  on  the  right,  at  an 
equal  distance,  was  another  garden  for  orna 
mental  shrubs,  plants,  and  flowers.  Between 
these  gardens,  in  front  of  the  house,  was  a 
spacious  lawn,  surrounded  by  serpentine  walks. 
Beyond  the  gardens  and  lawn  were  the  or 
chards.  Very  early  in  the  spring  he  began 
with  the  lawn,  selecting  the  choicest  trees 
from  the  woods  on  his  estates,  and  transferring 
them  to  the  borders  of  the  serpentine  walks, 
arranging  them  in  such  a  manner  as  to  pro- 


196  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1785. 

duce  symmetry  and  beauty  in  the  general  ef 
fect,  intermingling  in  just  proportions  forest 
trees,  evergreens,  and  flowering  shrubs.  He 
attended  personally  to  the  selection,  removal, 
and  planting  of  every  tree  ;  and  his  Diary, 
which  is  very  particular  from  day  to  day 
through  the  whole  process,  proves  that  he  en 
gaged  in  it  with  intense  interest,  and  anxious 
ly  watched  each  tree  and  shoot  till  it  showed 
signs  of  renewed  growth.  Such  trees  as  were 
not  found  on  his  own  lands,  he  obtained  from 
other  parts  of  the  country,  and  at  length  his 
design  was  completed  according  to  his  wishes. 
The  orchards,  gardens,  and  green-houses 
were  next  replenished  with  all  the  varieties 
of  rare  fruit-trees,  vegetables,  shrubs,  arid  flow 
ering  plants,  which  he  could  procure.  This 
was  less  easily  accomplished  ;  but,  horticulture 
being  with  him  a  favorite  pursuit,  he  contin 
ued  during  his  life  to  make  new  accessions 
of  fruits  and  plants,  both  native  and  exotic. 
Pruning  trees  was  one  of  his  amusements  j 
and  in  the  proper  season  he  might  be  seen 
almost  daily  in  his  grounds  and  gardens  with 
a  pruning-hook  or  other  horticultural  imple 
ments  in  his  hands.  Skilful  gardeners  were 
sought  by  him  from  Europe,  whose  knowl 
edge  and  experience  enabled  him  to  execute 
his  plans. 


jEr.53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  197 

Although  relieved  from  public  cares,  he 
soon  discovered,  that  the  prospect,  which  he 
had  so  fondly  cherished,  of  enjoying  the  repose 
of  retirement,  was  much  brighter  than  the 
reality.  Writing  to  General  Knox,  he  said, 
"  It  is  not  the  letters  from  my  friends,  which 
give  me  trouble,  or  add  aught  to  my  perplex 
ity.  It  is  references  to  old  matters,  with  which 
I  have  nothing  to  do  :  applications  which 
oftentimes  cannot  be  complied  with  :  inquiries 
which  would  require  the  pen  of  an  historian  to 
satisfy ;  letters  of  compliment,  as  unmeaning 
perhaps  as  they  are  troublesome,  but  which 
must  be  attended  to  j  and  the  commonplace 
business,  which  employs  my  pen  and  my 
time,  often  disagreeably.  Indeed  these,  with 
company,  deprive  me  of  exercise,  and,  unless 
I  can  obtain  relief,  must  be  productive  of  dis 
agreeable  consequences."  The  applications, 
of  which  he  complains,  were  chiefly  from  of 
ficers  or  other  persons,  who  had  been  connect 
ed  with  the  army,  and  who  wished  to  obtain 
from  him  certificates  of  character,  or  of  ser 
vices  rendered  during  the  war,  or  some  other 
statement  from  his  pen,  for  the  purpose  of 
substantiating  claims  upon  the  government. 
His  real  attachment  to  all  who  had  served 
faithfully  in  the  army,  as  well  as  his  humani 
ty,  prompted  him  to  comply  with  these  re- 


198  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1785. 

quests ;  but  in  many  cases  they  were  unrea 
sonable,  and  in  all  troublesome,  as  they  re 
quired  an  examination  of  his  voluminous  pa 
pers,  and  a  recurrence  to  facts  which  often 
could  not  be  easily  ascertained.  And  then  his 
correspondence  on  topics  of  public  interest, 
friendship,  and  civility,  with  persons  in  Europe 
and  America,  was  very  extensive.  Add  to 
this,  his  private  affairs,  the  keeping  of  ac 
counts,  and  his  letters  of  business.  For  more 
than  two  years  after  the  close  of  the  war  he 
had  no  clerk  or  secretary,  and  he  was  there 
fore  incessantly  employed  in  writing.  At 
length  this  labor  was  in  some  degree  lessened 
by  the  aid  of  Mr.  Lear,  who  became  his  sec 
retary,  and  resided  in  his  family  many  years 
on  terms  of  intimate  friendship. 

The  multitude  of  visiters  at  Mount  Vernon 
increased.  They  came  from  the  Old  World 
and  the  New.  Among  them  were  foreigners 
of  distinction,  particularly  from  France  and 
other  countries  on  the  continent  of  Europe, 
bringing  letters  of  introduction  from  the  Mar 
quis  de  Lafayette,  Count  de  Rochambeau, 
Count  d'Estaing,  and  some  of  the  other  gen 
eral  officers,  who  had  served  in  America.  The 
celebrated  authoress  and  champion  of  liberty, 
Catherine  Macaulay  Graham,  professed  to  have 
crossed  the  Atlantic  for  the  sole  purpose  of 


JST.  53.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  199 

testifying  in  person  her  admiration  of  the  char 
acter  and  deeds  of  Washington.  His  own 
countrymen,  in  every  part  of  the  Union,  as 
may  well  be  supposed,  were  not  less  earnest  in 
their  good  will,  or  less  ready  to  prove  their  re 
spect  and  attachment.  Some  came  to  keep 
alive  friendship,  some  to  ask  counsel  on  pub 
lic  affairs,  and  many  to  gratify  a  natural  and 
ardent  curiosity.  This  throng  of  visiters  ne 
cessarily  demanded  much  of  his  time  ;  but  in 
other  respects  the  task  of  receiving  them  was 
made  easy  by  the  admirable  economy  of  the 
household  under  the  management  of  Mrs. 
Washington. 

His  habits  were  uniform,  and  nearly  the 
same  as  they  had  been  previously  to  the  war. 
He  rose  before  the  sun,  and  employed  himself 
in  his  study,  writing  letters  or  reading,  till  the 
hour  of  breakfast.  When  breakfast  was  over, 
his  horse  was  ready  at  the  door,  and  he  rode 
to  his  farms  and  gave  directions  for  the  day  to 
the  managers  and  laborers.  Horses  were  like 
wise  prepared  for  his  guests,  whenever  they 
chose  to  accompany  him.  or  to  amuse  them 
selves  by  excursions  into  the  country.  Re 
turning  from  his  fields,  and  despatching  such 
business  as  happened  to  be  on  hand,  he  went 
again  to  his  study,  and  continued  there  till 
three  o'clock,  when  he  was  summoned  to  din- 


200  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1785. 

her.  The  remainder  of  the  day  and  the  eve 
ning  were  devoted  to  company,  or  to  recreation 
in  the  family  circle.  At  ten  he  retired  to 
rest.  From  these  habits  he  seldom  deviated, 
unless  compelled  to  do  so  by  particular  cir 
cumstances. 

The  State  of  Virginia  having  resolved  to 
erect  a  statue  in  honor  of  General  Washington, 
the  governor  was  authorized  to  employ  an  art 
ist  in  Europe  to  execute  it.  Dr.  Franklin  and 
Mr.  Jefferson,  then  in  Paris,  were  commission 
ed  to  select  the  artist  and  make  the  contract. 
They  chose  M.  Houdon,  who  was  accounted 
one  of  the  first  statuaries  of  his  time.  It  was 
the  intention,  that  the  statue  should  bear  an 
exact  resemblance  to  the  original.  M.  Houdon 
engaged  in  the  undertaking  with  great  enthu 
siasm,  and  came  to  America  in  the  same  vessel, 
that  conveyed  Dr.  Franklin  home  from  his  long 
and  brilliant  mission  to  France.  He  was  at 
Mount  Yernon  three  weeks,  in  the  month  of 
October,  1785,  and  modelled  a  bust  of  General 
Washington,  as  exact  in  all  its  lineaments  as 
his  skill  could  make  it.  The  statue  is  a  pre 
cise  copy  of  the  model,  and  is  undoubtedly  the 
best  representation  of  the  original  that  exists. 

However  much  Washington  was  devoted  to 
his  private  pursuits,  so  congenial  to  his  taste 
and  so  exacting  in  their  claims  on  hk  atten- 


jET.53.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  201 

tion,  yet  neither  his  zeal  for  the  public  good, 
nor  the  importunity  of  his  correspondents, 
would  allow  his  thoughts  to  be  withdrawn 
from  the  political  condition  of  his  country. 
His  opinions  were  asked  and  his  advice  was 
sought  by  the  patriotic  leaders  in  the  public 
councils,  and  by  such  eminent  persons  as  had 
been  his  coadjutors  in  the  great  work  of  inde 
pendence,  who  now  looked  with  concern  upon 
the  system  of  national  government,  which  was 
confessedly  inadequate  to  stand  by  its  own 
strength,  much  less  to  sustain  the  Union  of  the 
States.  This  union  had  hitherto  been  pre 
served  by  the  pressure  of  war.  It  was  rather 
the  last  resort  of  a  stern  necessity,  than  the 
spontaneous  choice  of  all  the  thirteen  repub 
lics.  Peace  had  taken  away  its  main  props, 
and  was  fast  dissolving  the  slender  bands  by 
which  it  was  bound  together.  Congress  was 
its  centre  of  action  ;  and  this  body,  imperfect 
ly  organized,  possessing  little  real  authority, 
never  confident  in  what  it  possessed,  and  often 
distracted  by  party  discords,  had  become  almost 
powerless. 

The  confederation  had  proved  itself  to  be 
defective  in  many  points  absolutely  essential  to 
the  prosperity  of  a  national  government,  if  not 
to  its  very  existence.  The  most  remar-kable 
of  thefSfe  defects  was  the  want  of  power  to  reg- 


202  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1785. 

ulate  commerce,  and  to  provide  for  the  pay 
ment  of  debts  contracted  by  the  confederacy. 
Without  such  power  it  was  impossible  to  exe 
cute  treaties,  fulfil  foreign  engagements,  or 
cause  the  nation  to  be  respected  abroad  ;  and 
equally  so,  to  render  justice  to  public  creditors 
at  home,  and  to  appease  the  clamor  of  discon 
tent  and  disaffection,  which  so  glaring  a  breach 
of  public  faith  would  naturally  raise. 

It  was  evident  to  all,  that  an  alarming  crisis 
was  near  at  hand,  scarcely  less  to  be  dreaded 
than  the  war  from  which  the  country  had  just 
emerged,  unless  a  timely  and  effectual  remedy 
could  be  provided.  Washington's  sentiments 
were  often,  freely,  and  feelingly  expressed. 
"  That  we  have  it  in  our  power,"  said  he,  "  to 
become  one  of  the  most  respectable  nations 
upon  earth,  admits,  in  my  humble  opinion,  of 
no  doubt,  if  we  would  but  pursue  a  wise,  just, 
and  liberal  policy  towards  one  another,  and 
keep  good  faith  with  the  rest  of  the  world. 
That  our  resources  are  ample  and  increasing, 
none  can  deny  ;  but,  while  they  are  grudging 
ly  applied,  or  not  applied  at  all,  we  give  a  vital 
stab  to  public  faith,  and  shall  sink,  in  the  eyes 
of  Europe,  into  contempt.  It  has  long  been  a 
speculative  question  among  philosophers  and 
wise  men,  whether  foreign  commerce  is  of  real 
advantage  to  any  country  j  that  is,  whether 


JET.  54.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  203 

the  luxury,  effeminacy,  and  corruptions,  which 
are  introduced  along  with  it,  are  counterbal 
anced  by  the  convenience  and  wealth  which 
it  brings.  But  the  decision  of  this  question  is 
of  very  little  importance  to  us.  We  have 
abundant  reason  to  be  convinced,  that  the  spirit 
of  trade,  which  pervades  these  States,  is  not 
to  be  restrained.  It  behoves  us  then  to  estab 
lish  just  principles  •  and  this  cannot,  any  more 
than  other  matters  of  national  concern,  be  done 
by  thirteen  heads,  differently  constructed  and 
organized.  The  necessity,  therefore,  of  a  con 
trolling  power  is  obvious ;  and  why  it  should 
be  withheld  is  beyond  my  comprehension." 

In  short,  the  embarrassments  growing  out 
of  the  weakness  of  the  confederacy,  the  utter 
inability  of  Congress  to  collect  the  means  for 
paying  the  public  debts  or  to  provide  for  their 
security,  the  jealousies  of  the  States,  and  the 
factious  spirit  of  individuals,  filled  the  mind 
of  every  true  friend  to  his  country  with  gloom 
and  despondency.  Congress  had  recommend 
ed  an  impost,  or  rate  of  duties,  which  was  to 
be  uniform  in  all  the  States,  and  the  proceeds 
of  which  were  to  be  appropriated  to  relieve 
the  national  wants.  The  States  came  tardily 
into  this  measure,  as  it  seemed  to  be  yielding 
a  power,  which  was  claimed  as  a  special  pre 
rogative  of  State  sovereignty.  The  States,  in 


204  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1786. 

which  commerce  chiefly  centred,  were  influ 
enced  by  another  motive.  A  larger  amount 
would  be  drawn  from  the  revenue  in  such 
States,  than  in  others  of  equal  or  greater  ex 
tent,  population,  and  internal  wealth.  The 
fact  was  overlooked  or  disregarded,  that  the 
consumers,  wherever  they  resided,  actually 
paid  the  impost,  and  that  the  commercial 
States,  by  controlling  the  imposts  in  their  own 
ports,  enjoyed  advantages  which  the  others  did 
not  possess.  New  York  never  acceded  to  the 
recommendation  of  Congress  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  make  it  operative  j  and,  as  the  success  of 
the  measure  everywhere  depended  on  the  ca 
price  of  the  legislatures,  and  a  rigid  system  of 
collection  faithfully  administered,  there  was 
but  little  hope  of  its  answering  the  important 
end  of  supplying  the  national  treasury. 

A  dissolution  of  the  Union,  or  an  early  and 
thorough  reform,  was  inevitable.  The  mode 
of  effecting  the  latter,  and  saving  the  republic, 
was  a  theme  upon  which  Washington  dwelt 
with  deep  solicitude  in  his  correspondence  and 
conversations  with  his  friends.  By  a  concur 
rence  of  favorable  circumstances  his  advice 
and  personal  efforts  were  made  available  at  the 
beginning  of  the  train  of  events,  which  ended 
in  the  achievement  of  the  constitution.  "  To 
form  a  compact  relative  to  the  navigation  of 


-fir.  54.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  205 

the  rivers  Potomac  and  Pocomoke,  and  of  part 
of  the  bay  of  Chesapeake,  commissioners  were 
appointed  by  the  legislatures  of  Virginia  and 
Maryland,  who  assembled  at  Alexandria,  in 
March,  1785.  While  at  Mount  Vernon  on  a 
visit,  they  agreed  to  propose  to  their  respective 
governments  the  appointment  of  other  commis 
sioners,  with  power  to  make  conjoint  arrange 
ments,  to  which  the  assent  of  Congress  was  to 
be  solicited,  for  maintaining  a  naval  force  in 
the  Chesapeake,  and  to  establish  a  tariff  of  du 
ties  on  imports,  to  which  the  laws  of  both 
States  should  conform.  When  these  proposi 
tions  received  the  assent  of  the  legislature  of 
Virginia,  an  additional  resolution  was  passed, 
directing  that  which  respected  the  duties  on 
imports  to  be  communicated  to  all  the  States 
in  the  Union,  which  were  invited  to  send  dep 
uties  to  the  meeting."  * 

Accordingly,  in  January  following,  the  As 
sembly  of  Virginia  appointed  commissioners, 
who  were  instructed  to  meet  such  as  should 
be  appointed  by  the  other  States,  "  to  take  into 
consideration  the  trade  of  the  United  States, 
to  examine  the  relative  situation  and  trade  of 
the  said  States,  to  consider  how  far  a  uniform 

*  MARSHALL'S  Life  of  Washington,  2d  edition,  Vol.  II. 
p.  105. 


206  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1786. 

system  in  their  commercial  relations  may  be 
necessary  to  their  common  interest  and  their 
permanent  harmony,  and  to  report  to  the  sev 
eral  States  such  an  act  relative  to  this  great 
object,  as,  when  unanimously  ratified  by  them, 
will  enable  the  United  States  in  Congress  as 
sembled  effectually  to  provide  for  the  same." 
The  commissioners  met  at  Annapolis,  in  Sep 
tember,  1786.  Five  States  only  sent  deputies, 
and  some  of  these  came  with  such  limited 
powers,  that  it  was  soon  ascertained  that  noth 
ing  could  be  done  towards  effecting  the  object 
for  which  they  had  come  together.  Their  de 
liberations  ended  in  a  report  to  their  respective 
States,  in  which  they  represented  the  defects 
of  the  federal  system,  and  the  necessity  of  a 
revision.  They  likewise  recommended  anoth 
er  convention  of  deputies  from  all  the  States, 
furnished  with  requisite  powers,  who  should 
meet  at  Philadelphia  on  the  second  day  of 
May.  At  the  same  time  they  sent  a  letter  to 
Congress  accompanied  with  a  copy  of  their  re 
port  to  the  States. 


54.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  207 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 


Proposal  for  a  general  Convention,  and  Washington  appointed  a 
Delegate  from  Virginia.  —  His  Reasons  for  wishing  to  decline. 
—  Society  of  the  Cincinnati.  —  Washington  accepts  the  Ap 
pointment  as  Delegate.  —  Attends  the  Convention,  is  chosen  its 
President,  and  affixes  his  Name  to  the  New  Constitution.  —  His 
Opinion  of  the  Constitution.  —  It  is  adopted  by  the  People.  — 
Washington  chosen  the  first  President  of  the  United  States. 


WHEN  the  legislature  of  Virginia  assembled, 
the  report  of  the  deputies  was  taken  into  con 
sideration,  and  it  was  resolved  to  appoint  seven 
delegates  to  meet  those  from  the  other  States 
in  a  general  convention.  Washington's  name 
was  put  at  the  head  of  the  list,  and  he  was 
chosen  by  a  unanimous  vote  of  the  representa 
tives.  The  intelligence  was  first  communica 
ted  to  him  by  Mr.  Madison,  then  a  member  of 
the  Assembly,  and  afterwards  officially  by  the 
governor. 

He  was  not  a  little  embarrassed  with  this 
choice  •  for,  although  he  heartily  approved  the 
measure,  yet  he  thought  there  were  reasons  of 
a  personal  nature,  which  made  it  inexpedient, 
if  not  improper,  for  him  to  take  any  part  in 
it.  He  did  not  absolutely  decline,  but  suggest 
ed  his  difficulties,  and  expressed  a  hope,  that 
some  other  person  would  be  appointed  in  his 


208  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1786. 

place.  As  the  weight  of  his  name  and  the 
wisdom  of  his  counsels  were  felt  to  be  ex 
tremely  important,  in  giving  dignity  arid  suc 
cess  to  the  proceedings  of  the  convention,  and 
as  several  months  would  intervene  before  the 
meeting,  neither  the  governor  nor  his  other 
friends  pressed  him  to  a  hasty  decision,  trust 
ing  that  time  and  reflection  would  remove  his 
doubts. 

His  objections  were  frankly  stated,  and  they 
are  among  the  many  evidences  of  his  scrupu 
lous  regard  to  directness  and  consistency  in 
every  act  of  his  life.  "It  is  not  only  incon 
venient  for  me  to  leave  home,"  said  he  to  the 
governor,  "but  there  will  be,  I  apprehend,  too 
much  cause  to  charge  my  conduct  with  incon 
sistency  in  again  appearing  on  a  public  theatre, 
after  a  public  declaration  to  the  contrary  ;  and 
it  will,  I  fear,  have  a  tendency  to  sweep  me 
back  into  the  tide  of  public  affairs,  when  re 
tirement  and  ease  are  so  much  desired  by  me, 
and  so  essentially  necessary."  There  can  be 
no  doubt,  that,  when  he  resigned  his  commis 
sion  in  the  army,  he  firmly  believed  nothing 
could  again  occur  to  draw  him  from  the  retire 
ment,  to  which  he  returned  with  such  un 
feigned  satisfaction,  and  which  no  other  con 
sideration  than  the  superior  claims  of  his 
country  could  induce  him  to  forego.  On  the 


^Ex.  54.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  209 

present  occasion  he  was  not  convinced,  that 
his  services  would  be  more  valuable  than  those 
of  other  citizens,  whose  ability  and  knowledge 
of  public  affairs,  as  his  modesty  would  per 
suade  him,  better  qualified  them  for  the  task 
of  devising  and  maturing  a  system  of  civil 
government. 

There  was  another  objection,  also,  which 
seemed  to  bear  with  considerable  weight  on 
his  mind.  At  the  close  of  the  war,  some  of 
the  officers  had  formed  themselves  into  an  as 
sociation,  called  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati, 
the  object  of  which  was  to  establish  a  bond 
of  union  and  fellowship  between  the  officers, 
who  had  served  together  during  the  war,  and 
were  then  about  to  be  separated,  and  particu 
larly  to  raise  a  permanent  fund  for  the  relief 
of  unfortunate  members,  their  widows,  and  or 
phans.  Although  Washington  was  not  con 
cerned  in  forming  this  society,  yet  he  was 
well  pleased  with  its  benevolent  design,  and 
consented  to  be  its  president.  Unexpectedly 
to  him,  however,  and  to  all  others  connected 
with  it,  a  very  general  dissatisfaction  arose 
throughout  the  country,  in  regard  to  some  of 
the  principles  upon  which  the  society  was 
founded.  It  was  to  be  hereditary  in  the  fami 
lies  of  the  members  ;  it  had  a  badge,  or  order, 
offensive  in  republican  eyes,  as  imitating  the 

VOL.   II.  14 


210  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1786. 

European,  orders  of  knighthood  ;  it  admitted 
foreign  officers,  who  had  served  in  America, 
and  their  descendants  ;  it  provided  for  an  in 
definite  accumulation  of  funds,  which  were  to 
be  disposed  of  at  the  discretion  of  the  mem 
bers.  Discontents  grew  into  clamorous  cen 
sures.  Pamphlets  were  written  against  the 
society,  and  it  was  denounced  as  anti-republi- 
.can,  and  a  dangerous  political  engine..  At  the 
first  general  meeting,  which  was  held  at  Phil 
adelphia  in  May,  1784,  Washington  exerted 
himself  successfully  to  have  the  most  objec 
tionable  features  altered,  and  the  articles  of 
association  were  new  modelled  conformably 
to  his  suggestions.  After  these  changes  the 
alarmists  were  less  vehement  in  their  attacks  ; 
but  they  were  not  silenced,  and  the  society 
continued. to  be  looked  upon  with  jealousy  and 
disapprobation. 

A  second  general  meeting  was  to  take  place 
in  Philadelphia  at  the  time  appointed  for  the 
assembling  of  the  convention.  Before  receiv 
ing  notice  that  he  was  chosen  a  delegate, 
Washington  had  written  a  circular  letter  to  the 
branches  of  the  Society  in  the  different  States, 
declaring  his  intention  to  resign  the  presidency, 
and  giving  reasons  why  it  would  be  incon 
venient  for  him  to  attend  the  general  meeting. 
He  thought  himself  thus  placed  in  a  delicate 


^£T.  54.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  211 

situation.  Were  he  to  be  present  at  the  con 
vention,  the  members  of  the  Cincinnati  Soci 
ety  might  suppose  they  had  just  grounds  for 
suspecting  his  sincerity,  or  even  of  charging 
him  with  having  deserted  the  officers,  who  had 
so  nobly  supported  him  during  the  war,  and 
always  manifested  towards  him  uncommon  re 
spect  and  attachment.  Having  a  grateful  sense 
of  their  affection,  and  reciprocating  in  reality 
all  their  kind  feelings,  he  was  reluctant  to  put 
himself  in  a  condition,  by  which  their  favor 
able  sentiments  would  be  altered,  or  their  sen 
sibility  in  any  degree  wounded. 

Again,  some -of  his  friends  in  various  parts 
of  the  country  expressed  themselves  doubting- 
ly  in  their  letters,  as  to  the  propriety  of  his 
going  to  the  convention,  and  some  advised 
against  it.  Many  thought  the  scheme  illegal, 
since  there  was  no  provision  in  the  articles  of 
the  confederation  for  such  a  mode  of  revision, 
and  it  had  not  been  proposed  by  Congress.  It 
was  feared,  therefore,  that  the  doings  of  the 
convention  would  end  in  a  failure,  and  perhaps 
in  the  disgrace  of  the  delegates.  They,  who 
were  perplexed  with  apprehensions  of  this  sort, 
were  unwilling  that  the  brilliant  reputation  of 
Washington  should  be  put  to  the  hazard  of  be 
ing  tarnished  by  an  abortive  experiment,  and 
believed  the  interests  of  the  country  required 


212  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1786. 

it  to  be  held  in  reserve  for  a  more  fitting  op 
portunity. 

These  obstacles,  formidable  for  a  time,  were 
at  last  removed.  Congress  took  the  subject 
into  consideration,  and  recommended  to  the 
States  to  send  delegates  to  the  convention  for 
the  purposes  mentioned  in  the  Annapolis  report. 
Thus  the  measure  was  sanctioned  by  law. 
Congress  likewise  appointed  the  second  Mon 
day  in  May,  as  the  day  for  the  delegates  to  as 
semble  at  Philadelphia.  The  time  was  fixed 
with  reference  to  the  meeting  of  the  Cincin 
nati,  which  was  to  be  a  week  earlier,  whereby 
General  Washington  would  be -enabled  to  join 
his  brethren  of  that  fraternity,  should  he  think 
proper,  and  explain  his  motives  for  declining 
to  be  again  elected  president. 

After  these  proceedings,  and  after  it  was 
found  that  the  more  enlightened  part  of  the 
community  very  generally  approved  the  scheme 
of  the  convention,  his  friends  everywhere  urg 
ed  him  to  accept  the  appointment  as  one  of  the 
delegates  from  Virginia,  and  he  acceded  to 
their  wishes.  Another  circumstance  had  much 
influence  in  bringing  him  to  this  decision.  It 
began  to  be  whispered,  that  the  persons  op 
posed  to  the  convention  were  at  heart  mon 
archists,  and  that  they  were  glad  to  see  the 
distractions  of  the  country  increasing,  till  the 


jEr.54.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  213 

people  should  be  weary  of  them,  and  discover 
their  only  hope  of  security  to  consist  in  a 
strong  government,  as  it  was  generally  called, 
or,  in  other  words,  a  constitutional  monarchy  ; 
for  no  one  was  ever  supposed  to  dream  of  a 
despotic  power  in  America.  It  has  been  said 
and  believed,  that  a  small  party,  in  despair  of 
better  things,  actually  meditated  such  a  project, 
and  turned  their  eyes  to  some  of  the  royal 
families  in  Europe  for  a  sovereign  suited  to 
control  the  jarring  elements  of  republicanism 
in  the  United  States.  However  this  may  be, 
it  is  certain  that  no  imagined  remedy  could 
have  been  more  severely  reprobated  by  Wash- 
ington.  We  have  seen  with  what  a  stern  re 
buke  the  proposal  to  be  a  king  was  met  by 
him,  even  when  he  literally  had  the  power  of 
the  nation  in  his  hands.  From  the  beginning 
of  the  Revolution  to  the  end  of  his  Hie,  he 
was  an  uncompromising  advocate  for  a  repub 
lican  system.  In  the  abstract  he  regarded  it 
as  the  best ;  and  he  had  faith  enough  in  the 
virtue  of  the  people,  and  in  the  efficacy  of 
their  former  habits,  to  convince  him  that  it 
might  be  successfully  established.  At  all 
events  he  was  for  having  the  experiment  thor 
oughly  tried  ;  and  his  whole  conduct  proves, 
that,  in  regard  to  himself,  he  was  ready  to  risk 
his  reputation,  his  property,  and  his  life,  if 


214  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1787. 

necessary,  in  a  cause  so  momentous  to  the 
welfare  of  his  country  and  to  the  social  pro 
gress  of  mankind. 

He  did  not  go  to  the  convention  unprepared 
for  the  great  work  there  to  be  undertaken. 
His  knowledge  of  the  institutions  of  his  own 
country  and  of  its  political  forms,  both  in  their 
general  character  and  minute  and  affiliated 
relations,  gained  by  inquiry  and  long  expe 
rience,  was  probably  as  complete  as  that  of 
any  other  man.  But  he  was  not  satisfied  with 
this  alone.  He  read  the  history  and  examined 
the  principles  of  the  ancient  and  modern  con 
federacies.  There  is  a  paper  in  his  handwrit 
ing,  which  contains  an  abstract  of  each,  and 
in  which  are  noted,  in  a  methodical  order, 
their  chief  characteristics,  the  kinds  of  au 
thority  they  possessed,  their  modes  of  oper 
ation,  and  their  defects.  The  confederacies 
analyzed  in  this  paper  are  the  Lycian,  Am- 
phictyonic.  Achaean,  Helvetic,  Belgic,  and 
Germanic.  He  also  read  the  standard  works 
on  general  politics  and  the  science  of  gov 
ernment,  abridging  parts  of  them,  according 
to  his  usual  practice,  that  he  might  impress 
the  essential  points  more  deeply  on  his  mind. 
He  was  apprehensive,  that  the  delegates  might 
come  together  fettered  with  instructions,  which 
would  embarrass  and  retard,  if  not  defeat. 


jEr.55.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  215 

the  salutary  end  proposed.  "  My  wish  is/' 
said  he,  "  that  the  convention  may  adopt  no 
temporizing  expedients,  but  probe  the  defects 
of  the  constitution  to  the  bottom,  and  provide 
a  radical  cure,  whether  they  are  agreed  to  or 
not.  A  conduct  of  this  kind  will  stamp  wis 
dom  and  dignity  on  their  proceedings,  and 
hold  up  a  light,  which  sooner  or  later  -will 
have  its  influence."  Such  were  the  prepara 
tions,  and  such  the  sentiments,  with  which 
he  went  to  the  convention. 

His  arrival  at  Philadelphia  was  attended 
with  public  honors.  At  Chester  he  was  met 
by  General  Mifflin,  Speaker  of  the  Assembly 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  several  officers  and  gen 
tlemen  of  distinction,  who  proceeded  with 
him  from  that  place.  At  Gray's  Ferry  a  com 
pany  of  light-horse  took  charge  of  him  and 
escorted  him  into  the  city.  His  first  visit  was 
to  Dr.  Franklin,  at  that  time  President  of 
Pennsylvania.  All  the  States  were  represent 
ed  in  the  convention,  except  Rhode  Island  ; 
and,  when  the  body  was  organized  for  busi 
ness,  General  Washington  was  elected  by  a 
unanimous  vote  to  the  president's  chair.  The 
convention  was  in  session  four  months,  and 
the  diligence  of  the  members  is  proved  by  the 
fact,  that  they  sat  from  five  to  seven  hours  a 
day.  The  result  was  the  Constitution  of  the 


216  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1787. 

United  States,  which  was  proposed  to  be  sub 
stituted  for  the  Articles  of  Confederation.  On 
the  17th  of  September,  1787,  the  constitution 
was  signed  by  all  the  members  present,  except 
three,  and  forwarded  with  a  letter  to  Congress. 
By  that  assembly  it  was  sent  to  the  State 
legislatures,  for  the  purpose  of  being  submitted 
in  each  State  to  a  convention  of  delegates 
chosen  by  the  people,  in  conformity  with  a 
resolve  of  the  general  convention. 

The  constitution,  as  it  came  from  the  hands 
of  its  framers,  was  regarded  by  no  one  as  the 
oretically  perfect.  To  form  a  compact,  which 
should  unite  thirteen  independent  republics 
into  a  consolidated  government  possessing  a 
control  over  the  whole,  was  not  a  work  of  easy 
achievement,  even  if  there  had  been  a  uni 
formity  in  the  previously  established  systems 
of  the  several  States.  The  difficulty  was  in 
creased  by  the  wide  differences  in  their  situa 
tion,  extent,  habits,  wealth,  and  particular  in 
terests.  Rights  and  privileges  were  to  be 
surrendered,  not  always  in  proportion  to  the 
advantages  which  seemed  to  be  promised  as  an 
equivalent.  In  short,  the  constitution  was  an 
amicable  compromise,  the  result  of  mutual 
deference  and  concession.  Dr.  Franklin  said, 
in  a  short  speech  near  the  close  of  the  con 
vention  ;  "  I  consent  to  this  constitution,  be- 


JET.  55.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  217 

cause  I  expect  no  better,  and  because  I  am  not 
sure  it  is  not  the  best.  The  opinions  I  have 
had  of  its  errors  I  sacrifice  to  the  public  good." 
And  Washington  wrote  not  long  afterwards  ; 
"  There  arer  some  things  in  the  new  form,  I 
will  readily  acknowledge,  which  never  did, 
and  I  am  persuaded  never  will,  obtain  my  cor 
dial  approbation  :  but  I  did  then  conceive,  and 
do  now  most  firmly  believe,  that  in  the  aggre 
gate  it  is  the  best  constitution,  that  can  be  ob 
tained  at  this  epoch,  and  that  this,  or  a  disso 
lution,  awaits  our  choice,  and  is  the  only  al 
ternative."  Again;  "It  appears  to  me  little 
short  of  a  miracle,  that  the  delegates  from  so 
many  States,  different  from  each  other  in  their 
manners,  circumstances,  and  prejudices,  should 
unite  in  forming  a  system  of  national  govern 
ment,  so  little  liable  to  well-founded  objec 
tions.  Nor  am  I  yet  such  an  enthusiastic,  par 
tial,  or  undiscriminating  admirer  of  it,  as  not 
to  perceive  it  is  tinctured  with  some  real 
though  not  radical  defects." 

Similar  sentiments  were  doubtless  entertain 
ed  by  all  the  prominent  friends  to  the  consti 
tution.  Faulty  as  it  was,  they  looked  upon  it 
as  the  best  that  could  be  made,  in  the  existing 
state  of  things,  and  as  such  they  wished  it  to 
be  fairly  tried.  It  was  moreover  remarkable, 
that  what  one  called  a  defect,  another  thought 


218  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1788. 

its  most  valuable  part,  so  that  in  detail  it  was 
almost  wholly  condemned  and  approved.  This 
was  a  proof,  that  there  was  nothing  in  it  es 
sentially  bad,  and  that  it  approached  very 
nearly  to  a  just  medium.  If  we 'judge  from 
the  tenor  of  Washington's  letters,  after  it  was 
sent  out  to  the  world,  he  watched  its  fate  with 
anxious  solicitude,  and  was  animated  with  joy 
at  the  favor  it  gradually  gained  with  the  pub 
lic  and  its  ultimate  triumph.  It  was  univer 
sally  agreed,  that  his  name  affixed  to  the  con 
stitution  carried  with  it  a  most  effective  in 
fluence  on  the  minds  of  the  people. 

The  legislatures  of  all  the  States,  which 
had  been  represented  in  the  general  conven 
tion,  directed  State  conventions  to  be  assem 
bled,  consisting  of  delegates  chosen  by  the 
people  for  the  express  purpose  of  deciding  on 
the  adoption  of  the  constitution.  The  ratifi 
cation  of  nine  States  was  necessary  to  give  it 
validity  and  effect.  The  conventions  in  the 
several  States  met  at  different  times,  and  it 
was  nearly  a  year  before  the  requisite  number 
had  passed  a  decision.  In  the  mean  time, 
both  the  friends  and  opponents  of  the  consti 
tution  were  extremely  active.  The  weight  of 
opinion,  however,  was  found  everywhere  to 
preponderate  on  the  side  of  the  constitution. 
In  some  of  the  States  it  was  adopted  unani- 


JET.  56.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  219 

mously,  and  in  nearly  all  of  them  the  majority 
was  much  larger  than  its  most  zealous  advo 
cates  had  ventured  to  hope.  Amendments 
were  recommended  in  some  instances,  but  in 
none  was  the  ratification  clogged  by  positive 
conditions  of  this  sort.  The  same  spirit  of 
compromise  and  mutual  concession  seemed  to 
prevail,  that  had  been  manifested  in  the  gen 
eral  convention.  In  fine,  though  the  opposi 
tion  was  strong,  and  upheld  by  a  few  of  the 
ablest  and  best  men  in  the  country,  yet  the 
popular  voice  was  so  decidedly  expressed  on 
the  other  side,  as  to  afford  the  most  encourag 
ing  presages  of  the  successful  operation  of  the 
new  form  of  government. 

Each  State  convention  transmitted  to  Con 
gress  a  testimonial  of  its  ratification,  signed  by 
all  its  members.  When  these  testimonials  had 
been  received  from  the  requisite  number  of 
States,  an  act  was  passed  by  Congress  appoint 
ing  a  day  for  the  people  throughout  the  Union, 
to  choose  electors  of  a  President  of  the  United 
States,  according  to  the  constitution,  and  an 
other  day  for  the  electors  to  meet  and  vote  for 
the  person  of  their  choice.  The  former  elec 
tion  was  to  take  place  on  the  first  Wednesday 
in  February,  1789,  and  the  latter  on  the  first 
Wednesday  in  March  following. 

It  was  no  sooner  ascertained,  that  the  con- 


220  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1788. 

stitution  would  probably  be  adopted,  than  the 
eyes  of  the  nation  were  turned  upon  Wash 
ington,  as  the  individual  to  be  selected  for  that 
office,  the  highest,  most  honorable,  and  most 
responsible,  that  could  be  conferred  by  the 
suffrages  of  a  free  people.  His  reluctance  to 
being  farther  engaged  in  public  life  was  well 
known,  but  every  one  knew  also,  that  he  nev 
er  refused  to  obey  the  call  of  his  country,  or 
to  make  personal  sacrifices  for  the  public  good. 
This  was  a  ground  of  hope  and  of  confidence. 
In  him  the  whole  people  would  be  united. 
As  to  other  candidates,  there  would  be  differ^ 
ences  of  opinion,  rivalships,  and,  it  was  feared, 
unhappy  divisions,  that  might  mar  the  work 
so  successfully  begun,  and  perhaps  end  in  its 
overthrow  and  ruin.  The  interest  felt  in  the 
subject,  therefore,  was  intense  ;  and  at  no  pe 
riod,  even  during  the  struggle  of  the  Revolu 
tion,  was  the  strong  support  of  Washington 
more  necessary,  than  at  this  crisis. 

The  public  sentiment  was  too  openly  and 
loudly  proclaimed  to  be  concealed  from  him. 
Indeed  those  of  his  compatriots  and  associates, 
whose  intimacy  entitled  them  to  use  such  a 
freedom,  began  early  to  prepare  him  for  the 
result,  by  such  arguments  and  advice,  as  they 
knew  would  be  candidly  considered,  and  be 
the  best  suited  to  act  upon  his  mind.  Some 


&T.  56.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  221 

time  before  the  election,  in  reply  to  a  letter  in 
which  the  subject  had  been  brought  pointedly 
before  him  by  a  gentleman,  then  a  member  of 
Congress,  he  wrote  as  follows. 

"  Should  the  contingency  you  suggest  take 
place,  and  should  my  unfeigned  reluctance  to 
accept  the  office  be  overcome  by  a  deference 
to  the  reasons  and  opinions  of  my  friends, 
might  I  not,  after  the  declarations  I  have 
made,  (and  Heaven  knows  they  were  made  in 
the  sincerity  of  my  heart,)  in  the  judgment 
of  the  impartial  world  and  of  posterity,  be 
chargeable  with  levity  and  inconsistency,  if 
not  with  rashness  and  ambition  ?  Nay,  far 
ther,  would  there  not  be  some  apparent  foun 
dation  for  the  two  former  charges  ?  Now  jus 
tice  to  myself  and  tranquillity  of  conscience 
require,  that  I  should  act  a  part,  if  not  above 
imputation,  at  least  capable  of  vindication. 
Nor  will  you  conceive  me  to  be  too  solicitous 
for  reputation.  Though  I  prize  as  I  ought  the 
good  opinion  of  my  fellow  citizens,  yet,  if  I 
know  myself,  I  would  not  seek  or  retain  popu 
larity  at  the  expense  of  one  social  duty  or 
moral  virtue. 

"  While  doing  what  my  conscience  inform 
ed  me  was  right,  as  it  respected  my  God,  my 
country,  and  myself,  I  could  despise  all  the 
party  clamor  and  unjust  censure,  which  might 


222  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

be  expected  from  some,  whose  personal  enmity 
might  be  occasioned  by  their  hostility  to  the 
government.  I  am  conscious,  that  I  fear  alone 
to  give  any  real  occasion  for  obloquy,  and  that 
I  do  not  dread  to  meet  with  unmerited  re 
proach.  And  certain  I  am,  whensoever  I  shall 
be  convinced  the  good  of  my  country  requires 
my -reputation  to  be  put  in  risk,  regard  for  my 
own  fanle  will  not  come  in  competition  with 
an  object  of  so  much  magnitude.  If  I  declin 
ed  the  task,  it  would  lie  upon  quite  another 
principle.  Notwithstanding  my  advanced  sea 
son  of  life,  my  increasing  fondness  for  agricul 
tural  amusements,  and  my  growing  love  of 
retirement,  augment  and  confirm  my  decided 
predilection  for  the  character  of  a  private  citi 
zen,  yet  it  would  be  no  one  of  these  motives, 
nor  the  hazard  to  which  my  former  reputation 
might  be  exposed,  nor  the  terror  of  encounter 
ing  new  fatigues  and  troubles,  that  would  .de 
ter  me  from  an  acceptance  ;  but  a  belief,  that 
some  other  person,  who  had  less  pretence,  and 
less  inclination,  to  be  excused,  could  execute 
all  the  duties  full  as  satisfactorily  as  myself." 

Suffice  it  to  say,  that  his  scruples  yielded 
to  the  earnest  solicitations  of  his  friends,  to 
mature  reflection,  and  to  the  counsels  of  his 
unerring  judgment.  The  day  of  election 
came,  and  GEORGE  WASHINGTON  was  chosen, 


^Er.  57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  223 

by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  electors,  and 
probably  without  a  dissenting  voice  in  the 
whole  nation,  the  first  President  of  the  United 
States. 


224  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

He  receives  official  Notice  of  being  chosen  President.  —  His 
Journey  to  the  Seat  of  Government  at  New  York.  —  His  Oath 
of  Office  and  Inaugural  Speech.  —  Acquaints  himself  with  the 
State  of  public  Affairs.  —  His  Attention  to  his  private  Pursuits. 

—  His  Manner  of  receiving  Visits  and  entertaining  Company. 

—  Afflicted  with  a  severe  Illness.  —  Death  of  his  Mother.  — 
Economy  of  his  Household.  —  Executive  Departments  formed. 

IT  being  known  that  the  choice  of  the  peo 
ple  had  fallen  on  General  Washington  foi 
President,  he  made  preparations  to  begin  the 
duties  of  the  office  as  soon  as  his  election 
should  be  notified  to  him  by  the  proper  au 
thority.  The  4th  of  March  was  assigned  as 
the  day  for  the  meeting  of  Congress,  but  a 
quorum  did  not  come  together  till  a  month 
later.  The  votes  of  the  electors  were  then 
opened  and  counted  ;  and  a  special  messenger 
was  despatched  to  Mount  Vernon  with  a  letter 
from  the  President  of  the  Senate  to  General 
Washington,  conveying  official  intelligence  of 
his  election.  John  Adams  was  at  the  same 
time  declared  to  be  chosen  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States.  Two  days  after  receiving 
the  notification,  Washington  left  home  for 
New  York,  which  was  then  the  seat  of  Con 
gress. 


^T.  57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  225 

His  feelings  on  this  occasion  are  indicated 
in  the  following  extract  from  his  Diary,  writ 
ten  on  the  day  of  his  departure.  "  About  ten 
o'clock  I  bade  adieu  to  Mount  Vernon,  to  pri 
vate  life,  and  to  domestic  felicity ;  and,  with 
a  mind  oppressed  with  more  anxious  and  pain 
ful  sensations  than  I  have  words  to  express, 
set  out  for  New  York  in  company  with  Mr. 
Thomson  and  Colonel  Humphreys,  with  the 
best  disposition  to  render  service  to  my  coun 
try  in  obedience  to  its  call,  but  with  less  hope 
of  answering  its  expectations."  The  whole 
journey  was  a  kind  of  triumphal  procession. 
He  had  hardly  left  his  own  house,  when  he 
was  met  by  a  company  of  gentlemen  from 
Alexandria,  who  proceeded  with  him  to  that 
town,  where  an  entertainment  was  provided 
for  him,  and  where  he  received  and  answered 
a  public  address.  The  people  gathered  to  see 
him  as  he  passed  along  the  road.  When  he 
approached  the  several  towns,  the  most  re 
spectable  citizens  came  out  to  meet  and  wel 
come  him ;  he  was  escorted  from  place  to 
place  by  companies  of  militia ;  and  in  the 
principal  cities  his  presence  was  announced  by 
the  firing  of  cannon,  ringing  of  bells,  and  mili 
tary  display. 

A  committee  of  Congress,  consisting  of 
three  members  of  the  Senate  and  five  of  the 

VOL.   II.  15 


226  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

House  of  Representatives,  was  appointed  to 
meet  him  in  New  Jersey  and  attend  him  to 
the  city  of  New  York.  To  Elizabeth  town 
Point  came  many  other  persons  of  distinction, 
and  the  heads  of  the  several  departments  of 
government.  He  was  there  received  in  a 
barge,  splendidly  fitted  up  for  the  occasion, 
and  rowed  by  thirteen  pilots  in  white  uni 
forms.  This  was  followed  by  vessels  and 
boats,  fancifully  decorated,  and  crowded  with 
spectators.  When  the  President's  barge  came 
near  to  the  city,  a  salute  of  thirteen  guns  was 
fired  from  the  vessels  in  the  harbor,  and  from 
the  Battery.  At  the  landing  he  was  again 
saluted  by  a  discharge  of  artillery,  and  was 
joined  by  the  governor  and  other  officers  of 
the  State,  and  the  corporation  of  the  city.  A 
procession  was  then  formed,  headed  by  a  long 
military  train,  which  was  followed  by  the 
principal  officers  of  the  State  and  city,  the 
clergy,  foreign  ministers,  and  a  great  concourse 
of  citizens.  The  procession  advanced  to  the 
house  prepared  for  the  reception  of  the  Presi 
dent.  The  day  was  passed  in  festivity  and 
joy,  and  in  the  evening  the  city  was  brilliant 
ly  illuminated. 

/The  first  public  act  of  the  President  was 
that  of  taking  the  oath  of  office.  It  was  de 
cided  by  Congress,  that  this  should  be  done 


^Ex.57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  227 

with  some  ceremony.  In  the  morning  of  the 
day  appointed,  April  30th,  at  nine  o'clock,  re 
ligious  services  suited  to  the  occasion  were 
performed  in  all  the  churches  of  the  city.  At 
twelve  the  troops  paraded  before  the  Presi 
dent's  door,  and  soon  afterwards  came  the 
committees  of  Congress  and  the  heads  of  de 
partments  in  carriages,  to  attend  him  to  the 
Federal  Hall,  where  the  two  houses  of  Con 
gress  were  assembled.  The  procession  moved 
forward  with  the  troops  in  front,  next  the 
committees  and  heads  of  departments,  then 
the  President  in  a  coach  alone,  followed  by 
the  foreign  ministers,  civil  officers  of  the  State, 
and  citizens.  Arrived  at  the  Hall,  he  ascend 
ed  to  the  senate-chamber,  and  passed  thence 
to  a  balcony  in  front  of  the  house,  where  the 
oath  was  administered  to  him  in  presence  of 
the  people  by  Chancellor  Livingston.  The 
President  returned  to  the  senate-chamber,  in 
the  midst  of  loud  acclamations  from  the  sur 
rounding  throng  of  spectators,  and  delivered  to 
the  two  branches  of  Congress  his  Inaugural 
Speech.  He  then  went  on  foot  to  St.  Paul's 
Church,  where  prayers  were  read  by  the  bish 
op,  and  the  ceremonies  were  closed.  Tokens 
of  joy  were  everywhere  exhibited,  as  on  the 
day  of  his  arrival,  and  at  night  there  was  a 
display  of  illuminations  and  fireworks. 


228  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

Under  auspices  thus  favorable,  Washington 
entered  again  upon  the  career  of  public  life, 
surrounded  and  sustained  by  the  eminent  lead 
ers,  who  had  acted  with  him  in  establishing 
the  liberties  of  his  country,  and  cheered  with 
the  conviction  of  having  received  the  volun 
tary  suffrage  and  possessing  the  good  wishes 
of  every  American  citizen.  Yet  he  was  aware, 
that  the  task  he  had  undertaken  was  one  of 
no  common  responsibility  or  easy  execution. 
The  hopes  and  expectations  of  his  country 
men,  he  knew,  were  in  proportion  to  the  unan 
imity  with  which  they  had  crowned  him  with 
honors,  and  laid  the  burden  of  their  public 
cares  on  his  shoulders.  A  new  system  of 
government  was  to  be  put  in  action,  upon 
which  depended  the  destiny  of  his  country, 
and  with  the  good  or  ill  success  of  which  his 
future  reputation  would  be  identified. 

In  his  inaugural  speech,  after  expressing  his 
deep  sense  of  the  magnitude  of  the  trust  con 
fided  to  him,  the  struggles  his  mind  had  un 
dergone  in  deciding  to  accept  it,  and  a  con 
sciousness  of  his  deficiencies,  he  added  j  "  In 
this  conflict  of  emotions,  all.  I  dare  aver  is, 
that  it  has  been  my  faithful  study  to  collect 
my  duty  from  a  just  appreciation  of  every 
circumstance  by  which  it  might  be  affected. 
All  I  dare  hope  is,  that,  if  in  accepting  this 


Mr.  51]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  229 

task  I  have  been  too  much  swayed  by  a  grate 
ful  remembrance  of  former  instances,  or  by  an 
affectionate  sensibility  to  this  transcendent 
proof,  of  the  confidence  of  rny  fellow  citizens, 
and  have  thence  too  little  consulted  my  inca 
pacity,  as  well  as  disinclination  for  the  weighty 
and  untried  cares  before  me,  my  error  will  be 
palliated  by  the  motives  which  misled  me, 
and  its  consequences  be  judged  by  my  coun 
try  with  some  share  of  the  partiality  in  which 
they  originated."  With  these  sentiments,  and 
with  fervent  supplications  to  the  Almighty 
Being,  whose  guidance  and  overruling  Provi 
dence  he  acknowledged  in  all  the  events  of 
his  life,  he  commenced  the  arduous  duties  of 
chief  magistrate  of  the  nation.  In  conformity 
with  the  rule  to  which  he  had  hitherto  ad 
hered,  he  gave  notice  to  Congress,  that  he 
should  accept  no  other  compensation  for  his 
services,  than  such  as  would  be  necessary  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  his  household  and  other 
charges  incident  to  his  public  station. 

As  the  various  departments  of  government 
under  the  new  system  could  not  be  instituted, 
till  Congress  had  passed  laws  for  their  organ 
ization  and  support,  the  business  belonging  to 
these  departments  continued  to  be  transacted 
by  the  officers,  who  had  previously  been 
charged  with  it.  Mr.  Jay  acted  as  secretary 


230  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

of  foreign  affairs,  and  General  Knox  as  secret 
ary  of  war.  The  treasury  was  under  the  con 
trol  of  a  board  of  commissioners.  The  Pres 
ident  requested  from  each  of  them  an  elab 
orate  report,  that  he  might  become  acquainted 
with  the  actual  state  of  the  government  in  all 
its  foreign  and  domestic  relations.  These  re 
ports  he  read  and  condensed  with  his  own 
hand,  particularly  that  from  the  treasury  board, 
till  he  made  himself  master  of  their  contents. 
In  regard  to  foreign  affairs,  he  pursued  a  still 
more  laborious  process.  With  pen  in  hand  he 
perused  from  beginning  to  end  the  official  cor 
respondence,  deposited  in  the  public  archives, 
from  the  date  of  the  treaty  of  peace  at  the 
termination  of  the  war  till  the  time  he  entered 
upon  the  Presidency.  These  voluminous  pa 
pers  he  abridged  and  studied,  according  to  his 
usual  practice,  with  the  view  of  fixing  in  his 
mind  every  important  point  that  had  been 
discussed,  as  well  as  the  history  of  what  had 
been  done. 

Among  the  private  reasons,  which  had  dis 
inclined  him  to  leave  his  retirement  at  Mount 
Vernon,  were  his  growing  attachment  to  agri 
culture,  and  his  desire  to  pursue  the  system 
adopted  for  the  cultivation  of  his  farms.  Since 
the  war  he  had  devoted  himself  with  equal 
delight  and  constancy  to  this  pursuit,  and 


yEr.57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  231 

brought  his  plans  into  a  train,  which  promised 
the  most  satisfactory  results.  He  had  pro 
cured  from  Europe  the  works  of  the  best 
writers  on  the  subject,  which  he  read  with 
diligence  and  reflection,  drawing  from  them 
such  scientific  principles  and  practical  hints, 
as  he  could  advantageously  use  in  improving 
his  modes  of  agriculture.  He  was  resolved  to 
mature  his  designs,  and  in  the  intervals  of 
public  duties  to  bestow  a  part  of  his  leisure 
upon  that  object.  With  his  chief  manager  at 
Mount  Vernon  he  left  full  and  minute  direc 
tions  in  writing,  and  exacted  from  him  a 
weekly  report,  in  which  were  registered  the 
transactions  of  each  day  on  all  the  farms,  such 
as  the  number  of  laborers  employed,  their 
health  or  sickness,  the  kind  and  quantity  of 
work  executed,  the  progress  in  planting,  sow 
ing,  or  harvesting  the  fields,  the  appearance 
of  the  crops  at  various  stages  of  their  growth, 
the  effects  of  the  weather  on  them,  and  the 
condition  of  the  horses,  cattle,  and  other  live 
stock.  By  these  details  he  was  made  perfect 
ly  acquainted  with  all  that  was  done,  and 
could  give  his  orders  with  almost  as  much 
precision  as  if  he  had  been  on  the  spot. 

Once  a  week  regularly,  and  sometimes  twice, 
he  wrote  to  the  manager,  remarking  on  his 
report  of  the  preceding  week,  and  adding  new 


232  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

directions.  These  letters  frequently  extended 
to  two  or  three  sheets,  and  were  always  writ 
ten  with  his  own  hand.  Such  was  his  labo 
rious  exactness,  that  the  letter  he  sent  away 
was  usually  transcribed  from  a  rough  draft. 
A  press  copy  was  taken  of  the  transcript, 
which  was  carefully  filed  with  the  manager's 
report  for  his  future  inspection.  In  this  habit 
he  persevered  with  unabated  diligence  through 
the  whole  eight  years  of  his  Presidency,  ex 
cept  during  the  short  visits  he  occasionally 
made  to  Mount  Vernon,  at  the  close  of  the 
sessions  of  Congress,  when  his  presence  could 
be  dispensed  with  at  the  seat  of  government. 
He  moreover  maintained  a  large  correspond 
ence  on  agriculture  with  gentlemen  in  Europe 
and  America.  His  letters  to  Sir  John  Sin 
clair,  Arthur  Young,  and  Dr.  Anderson,  have 
been  published,  and  are  well  known.  Indeed 
his  thoughts  never  seemed  to  flow  more  free 
ly,  nor  his  pen  to  move  more  easily,  than 
when  he  was  writing  on  agriculture,  extolling 
it  as  a  most  attractive  pursuit,  and  describing 
the  pleasure  he  derived  from  it  and  its  supe 
rior  claims  not  only  on  the  practical  econo 
mist,  but  on  the  statesman  and  philanthro 
pist. 

The   President  had  not  been  long  in  New 
York,  before  he  found  it  necessary  to  establish 


JET.  51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  233 

rules  for  receiving  visiters  and  entertaining 
company.  There  being  no  precedent  to  serve 
as  a  guide,  this  was  an  affair  of  considerable 
delicacy  and  difficulty.  In  the  first  place,  it 
was  essential  to  maintain  the  dignity  of  the 
office  by  such  forms  as  would  inspire  deference 
and  respect ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  nature 
of  republican  institutions  and  the  habits  of  the 
people  required  the  chief  magistrate  to  be  ac 
cessible  to  every  citizen  on  proper  occasions 
and  for  reasonable  purposes.  A  just  line  was 
therefore  to  be  drawn  between  too  much  pomp 
and  ceremony  on  the  one  hand,  and  an  ex 
treme  of  familiarity  on  the  other.  Regard  was 
also  to  be  had  to  the  President's  time  and  con 
venience.  After  a  short  experiment  of  leaving 
the  matter  to  the  discretion  of  the  public,  it 
was  proved,  that  without  some  fixed  rule  he 
would  never  have  an  hour  at  his  disposal. 
From  breakfast  till  dinner  his  door  was  be 
sieged  with  persons  calling  to  pay  their  re 
spects,  or  to  consult  him  on  affairs  of  little 
moment.  His  sense  of  duty  to  the  claims  of 
his  office,  and  to  himself,  convinced  him  that 
this  practice  could  not  be  endured.  The  Vice- 
President,  Mr.  Jay,  Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Hamilton, 
and  other  gentlemen,  concurred  in  this  opin 
ion,  and  by  their  advice  a  different  mode  was 
adopted. 


234  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

Every  Tuesday,  between  the  hours  of  three 
and  four,  he  was  prepared  to  receive  such  per 
sons  as  chose  to  call.  Foreign  ministers, 
strangers  of  distinction,  and  citizens,  came  and 
went  without  ceremony.  The  hour  was  pass 
ed  in  free  conversation  on  promiscuous  topics, 
in  which  the  President  joined.  Every  Friday 
afternoon  the  rooms  were  open  in  like  manner 
for  visits  to  Mrs.  Washington,  which  were  on  a 
still  more  sociable  footing,  and  at  which  Gen 
eral  Washington  was  always  present.  These 
assemblages  were  of  the  nature  of  public  lev 
ees,  and  they  did  not  preclude  such  visits  of 
civility  and  friendship,  between  the  President's 
family  and  others,  as  is  customary  in  society. 
On  affairs  of  business  by  appointment,  wheth 
er  with  public  officers  or  private  citizens,  the 
President  was  always  ready  to  bestow  his  time 
and  attention.  He  accepted  no  invitations  to 
dinner,  but  invited  to  his  own  table  foreign 
ministers,  officers  of  the  government,  and 
strangers,  in  such  numbers  at  once  as  his  do 
mestic  establishment  would  accommodate.  On 
these  occasions  there  was  neither  ostentation 
nor  restraint,  but  the  same  simplicity  and  ease 
with  which  his  guests  had  been  entertained  at 
Mount  Vernon. 

No  visits  were  received  on  Sundays.  In 
the  morning  he  uniformly  attended  church, 


JET.  57.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  235 

and  in  the  afternoon  he  retired  to  his  private 
apartment.  The  evening  was  spent  with  his 
family,  and  then  an  intimate  friend  would 
sometimes  call,  but  promiscuous  company  was 
not  admitted. 

Having  laid  down  these  general  rules,  which 
soon  became  known  to  the  public,  he  found 
relief  from  a  heavy  tax  upon  his  time,  and 
more  leisure  for  a  faithful  discharge  of  his  du 
ties.  In  the  course  of  the  summer,  however, 
he  was  seized  with  a  violent  malady,  which 
reduced  him  very  low,  and  which  for  a  few 
days  was  thought  to  endanger  his  life.  He 
was  confined  six  weeks  to  his  bed,  and  it  was 
more  than  twelve  before  his  strength  was  re 
stored.  A  constitution  naturally  strong,  and 
the  attendance  of  Dr.  Bard,  a  physician  equal 
ly  eminent  for  the  excellence  of  his  character 
and  skill  in  his  profession,  enabled  him  to  rise 
from  an  illness  the  most  painful  and  trying 
that  he  had  ever  endured.  From  the  effects 
of  it  he  never  entirely  recovered. 

He  had  hardly  gained  strength  to  go  abroad, 
when  he  heard  of  the  death  of  his  mother, 
who  died  in  August,  at  the  age  of  eighty-two. 
Writing  to  his  sister  on  this  occasion  he  said ; 
"  Awful  and  affecting  as  the  death  of  a  parent 
is,  there  is  consolation  in  knowing,  that  Heaven 
has  spared  ours  to  an  age  beyond  which  few 


236  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

attain,  and  favored  her  with  the  full  enjoyment 
of  her  mental  faculties,  and  as  much  bodily 
strength  as  usually  falls  to  the  lot  of  fourscore. 
Under  these  considerations,  and  a  hope  that 
she  is  translated  to  a  happier  place,  it  is  the 
duty  of  her  relatives  to  yield  due  submission 
to  the  decrees  of  the  Creator."  A  short  time 
before  he  left  Mount  Vernon  for  New  York,  he 
made  a  visit  to  his  mother  at  Fredericksburg, 
the  place  of  her  residence.  She  was  then 
sinking  under  a  disease,  which  he  foresaw 
would  prove  fatal  ;  and  he  took  an  affecting 
and  final  leave  of  her,  convinced  he  should 
never  see  her  again.  She  had  been  a  widow 
forty-six  years.  Through  life  she  was  remark 
able  for  vigor  of  mind  and  body,  simplicity  of 
manners,  and  uprightness  of  character.  She 
must  have  felt  a  mother's  joy  at  the  success 
and  renown  of  her  son,  but  they  caused  no 
change  in  her  deportment  or  style  of  living. 
Whenever  he  visited  her  at  her  dwelling,  even 
in  the  height  of  his  greatness,  he  literally  re 
turned  to  the  scenes  and  domestic  habits  of  his 
boyhood.  Neither  pride  nor  vanity  mingled 
with  the  feelings  excited  by  the  attentions  she 
received  as  the  mother  of  Washington.  She 
listened  to  his  praises  and  was  silent,  or  added 
only  that  he  had  been  a  good  son,  and  she  be 
lieved  he  had  done  his  duty  as  a  man. 


JET.  57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  237 

As  soon  as  he  was  established  in  his  office, 
Washington  introduced  strict  habits  of  econo 
my  into  his  household,  which  were  preserved 
without  essential  change  to  the  end  of  his 
public  life.  The  whole  was  under  the  care  of 
a  steward,  to  whom  he  gave  general  directions. 
All  other  persons  connected  with  the  establish 
ment  were  accountable  to  the  steward,  but 
each  of  them  was  required  to  keep  an  exact 
record  of  the  purchases  and  expenditures  made 
by  him,  specifying  every  particular.  These 
accounts,  with  tradesmen's  bills  and  other 
vouchers,  were  presented  once  a  week  to  Wash 
ington,  who  inspected  them  minutely,  and  cer 
tified  with  his  own  signature  that  they  were 
approved.  By  this  method  he  was  enabled  to 
ascertain  at  any  moment  the  precise  state  of 
his  pecuniary  affairs,  and  to  guard  against  ex 
travagance  and  waste.  He  might  say  with 
Seneca  ;  "  I  keep  an  account  of  my  expenses; 
I  cannot  affirm  that  I  lose  nothing,  but  I  can 
tell  you  what  I  lose,  and  why,  and  in  what 
manner."  The  salary  of  the  President,  as 
fixed  by  law,  was  twenty-five  thousand  dollars 
a  year.  But  with  the  most  rigid  economy  his 
expenses  were  seldom  within  this  limit,  and 
he  was  of  course  obliged  to  draw  on  his  pri 
vate  fortune  to  make  up  the  deficiency. 

Congress  continued  in  session  till  near  the 


238  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

end  of  September,  when  they  adjourned  for 
three  months.  They  had  been  mostly  occu 
pied  in  passing  laws  for  the  organization  of 
the  government,  the  administration  of  justice, 
and  the  raising  of  a  revenue.  Mercantile  reg 
ulations  were  established,  imposing  duties  on 
tonnage  and  imported  goods.  Amendments  to 
the  constitution  were  framed,  and  recommend 
ed  to  the  States  for  adoption.  Three  execu 
tive  departments  were  formed,  at  the  head  of 
each  of  which  was  to  be  a  secretary,  name 
ly,  the  departments  of  foreign  affairs,  of  the 
treasury,  and  of  war.  The  first  was  after 
wards  called  the  department  of  state,  and  in 
cluded  both  foreign  and  domestic  affairs.  So 
large  a  portion  of  the  administration  of  gov 
ernment  is  effected  by  the  executives  of  the 
several  States,  that  a  separate  department  for 
internal  affairs  was  not  thought  necessary. 
The  navy  too  was  at  this  time  so  small,  as  not 
to  require  a  distinct  department.  It  was  main 
ly  in  the  charge  of  the  secretary  of  war. 


.  57.]  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  239 


CHAPTER  XXXY. 

Officers  of  the  Executive  Departments  appointed.  —  Judiciary 
System  organized.  —  Washington's  Opinion  of  the  Supreme 
Court.  —  His  Rule  in  Appointments  to  Office. — His  Journey 
through  the  Eastern  States.  —  System  of  Funding  the  Public 
Debts.  —  Place  for  the  permanent  Seat  of  Government  agreed 
upon. 

THE  requisite  laws  being  passed,  it  next  de 
volved  on  the  President  to  select  proper  per 
sons  to  fill  the  several  offices.  In  regard  to  the 
executive  departments,  this  was  of  very  great 
importance,  inasmuch  as  the  secretaries  were 
not  only  to  discharge  the  duties  assigned  to 
them  by  the  constitution  and  laws,  but  were 
to  be  his  cabinet,  or  council  of  state.  On  the 
wisdom  of  his  choice,  therefore,  would  in  a 
great  degree  depend  the  character  and  success 
of  his  administration.  So  much  time  had 
elapsed  in  the  session  of  congress,  that  he  had 
been  able  to  take  a  full  survey  of  the  subject, 
and  to  decide  with  deliberation. 

Long  experience  in  public  affairs,  a  high  po 
litical  standing,  and  acknowledged  talents, 
pointed  out  Thomas  Jefferson  as  eminently 
qualified  for  the  state  department.  He  was 
about  to  return  from  France,  where  he  had 
filled  the  office  of  minister  plenipotentiary,  as 


240  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [17CO. 

successor  to  Dr.  Franklin,  with  much  credit  to 
himself  and  his  country.  Alexander  Hamil 
ton  was  appointed  to  the  head  of  the  treasury. 
His  transcendent  abilities,  integrity,  firmness, 
and  patriotism  were  well  known  to  Washing 
ton,  after  a  thorough  trial  and  familiar  acquaint 
ance  in  the  Revolution  j  and  they  were  scarce 
ly  less  known  or  less  appreciated  by  his  coun 
trymen  at  large.  In  the  convention.  Hamilton 
disapproved  and  opposed  some  of  the  principal 
articles  of  the  constitution ;  and  the  more 
praise  is  due  to  him,  that,  after  it  was  carried 
by  a  majority,  and  was  proved  to  be  the  best 
that  could  be  hoped  for  in  the  circumstances 
of  the  times,  he  gave  up  his  predilections, 
joined  heartily  with  its  friends,  and  put  into 
their  scale  the  whole  weight  of  his  great 
powers  of  eloquence  and  argument,  both  in 
debate  and  by  the  use  of  his  pen.  Henry 
Knox  was  continued  secretary  of  war,  which 
station  he  had  held  under  the  confederation. 
As  an  officer,  a  man,  and  a  friend,  he  was  es 
teemed  by  Washington  ;  and  his  steady  prin 
ciples  and  public  services  had  gained  for  him 
a  general  confidence.  The  post  of  attorney- 
general  was  conferred  on  Edmund  Randolph, 
a  gentleman  distinguished  by  success  in  his 
profession  at  the  bar,  and  by  having  been  gov 
ernor  of  Virginia,  and  a  conspicuous  member 


jEx.57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  241 

of  the  convention  that  framed  the  constitution. 
Such  were  the  heads  of  the  executive  depart- 

i  ments,  and  such  the  composition  of  the  coun 
cil,  on  which  the  President  was  mainly  to  rely 

-  for  advice  and  support. 

For  administering  justice,  in  the  execution  of 

:  the  laws  for  national  purposes,  the  constitution 
had  provided,  that  there  should  be  a  supreme 
court,  and  such  inferior  courts  as  Congress 
should  establish.  In  organizing  the  judiciary 
system,  it  was  decided  that  the  supreme  court 
should  consist  of  a  chief  justice  and  five  asso 
ciate  justices,  and  that  there  should  be  district 
courts,  with  one  judge  in  each  State.  An  as 
sociate  justice  and  a  district  judge  constituted 
a  circuit  court.  Washington's  opinion  of  the 
importance  of  the  supreme  court  is  forcibly 
described  in  his  own  language.  "  Impressed 
with  a  conviction,"  said  he,  "  that  the  due  ad 
ministration  of  justice  is  the  firmest  pillar  of 
good  government,  I  have  considered  the  first 
arrangement  of  the  judicial  department  as  es 
sential  to  the  happiness  of  the  country,  and  to 
the  stability  of  its  political  system.  Hence 
the  selection  of  the  fittest  characters  to  ex 
pound  the  laws,  and  dispense  justice,  has  been 
an  invariable  object  of  my  anxious  concern. r> 
And  again,  in  giving  notice  to  Mr.  Jay  of  his 
appointment  as  chief  justice ;  "  I  have  a  full 

VOL.   II.  16 


242  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

confidence  that  the  love  which  you  bear  to 
our  country,  and  a  desire  to  promote  the  gen 
eral  happiness,  will  not  suffer  you  to  hesitate  a 
moment  to  bring  into  action  the  talents,  knowl 
edge,  and  integrity,  which  are  so  necessary  to 
be  exercised  at  the  head  of  that  department, 
which  must  be  considered  the  keystone  of  our 
political  fabric." 

These  views  of  the  judiciary  department, 
as  forming  a  most  essential  branch  of  the  gov 
ernment,  and  as  claiming  the  highest  consid 
eration,  he  always  entertained ;  and  in  the 
appointment  of  justices,  and  judges  of  the 
district  courts,  he  was  extremely  solicitous  to 
secure  the  services  of  those,  who  were  eminent 
for  judicial  knowledge,  talents,  personal  worth, 
and  experience.  In  placing  John  Jay  at  the 
head  of  the  supreme  court,  he  consulted  alike 
the  public  good,  the  dignity  of  the  court,  and 
his  own  feelings.  No  man  in  the  nation  pos-; 
sessed  a  larger  share  of  confidence,  whether  mJ 
regard  to  his  ability  or  his  legal  attainments  ;| 
none  was  more  valued  for  the  services  he  had 
rendered  to  his  country,  none  more  esteemed 
for  his  private  virtues.  The  choice  of  his  as 
sociates  was  also  fortunate,  and  the  court  as 
sumed  a  respectability  and  weight  suited  to  the)! 
rank  conferred  upon  it  by  the  constitution. 

No  part  of  the  President's  duties  gave  him 


Mi. 51.}  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  243 

more  anxiety,  than  that  of  distributing  the  offi 
ces  in  his  gift.  Applications  innumerable  flow 
ed  in  upon  him  even  before  he  left  Mount 
Vernon.  many  of  them  from  his  personal  friends, 
and  others  supported  by  the  recommendations 
of  his  friends ;  nor  did  they  cease  as  long  as 
any  vacancies  remained.  He  early  prescribed 
to  himself  a  rule,  however,  from  which  he 
never  swerved,  which  was  to  give  no  pledges 
or  encouragement  to  any  applicant.  He  an 
swered  them  all  civilly,  but  avowed  his  deter 
mination  to  suspend  a  decision  till  the  time  of 
making  the  appointments  should  arrive,  and 
then,  without  favor  or  bias,  to  select  such  indi 
viduals  as  in  his  judgment  were  best  qualified 
to  execute  with  faithfulness  and  ability  the 
trust  reposed  in  them.  His  sentiments  and 
motives  are  well  explained  in  a  letter  written 
to  a  gentleman,  who  had  solicited  an  office  for 
another  person. 

"  From  the  moment  when  the  necessity  had 
become  more  apparent,"  said  he,  "and  as  it 
were  inevitable,  I  anticipated,  with  a  heart 
filled  with  distress,  the  ten  thousand  embar- 
rassments,  perplexities,  and  troubles,  to  which 
I  must  again  be  exposed  in  the  evening  of  a 
life  already  nearly  consumed  in  public  cares. 
Among  all  these  anxieties,  I  will  not  conceal 
from  you,  I  anticipated  none  greater,  than  those 


244  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

that  were  likely  to  be  produced  by  applications 
for  appointments  to  the  different  offices,  which 
would  be  created  under  the  new  government. 
Nor  will  I  conceal,  that  my  apprehensions  have 
already  been  but  too  well  justified.  Scarcely 
a  day  passes,  in  which  applications  of  one  kind 
or  another  do  not  arrive  ;  insomuch  that,  had 
I  not  early  adopted  some  general  principles,  I 
should  before  this  time  have  been  wholly  oc 
cupied  in  this  business.  As  it  is,  I  have  found 
the  number  of  answers,  which  I  have  been 
necessitated  to  give  in  my  own  hand,  an  almost 
insupportable  burden  to  me. 

"  The  points  in  which  all  these  answers 
have  agreed  in  substance  are,  that,  should  it 
be  my  lot  to  go  again  into  public  office,  I 
would  go  without  being  under  any  possible 
engagements  of  any  nature  whatsoever ;  that, 
so  far  as  I  knew  my  own  heart,  I  would  not 
be  in  the  remotest  degree  influenced,  in  mak 
ing  nominations,  by  motives  arising  from  the 
ties  of  family  or  blood ;  and  that,  on  the 
other  hand,  three  things,  in  my  opinion,  ought 
principally  to  be  regarded,  namely,  the  fitness 
of  characters  to  fill  offices,  the  comparative 
claims  from  the  former  merits  and  sufferings 
in  service  of  the  different  candidates,  and  the 
distribution  of  appointments  in  as  equal  a  pro 
portion  as  might  be  to  persons  belonging  to  the 


^Er.57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  245 

different  States  in  the  Union.  Without  pre 
cautions  of  this  kind,  I  clearly  foresaw  the 
endless  jealousies,  and  possibly  the  fatal  con 
sequences,  to  which  a  government,  depending 
altogether  on  the  good-will  of  the  people  for 
its  establishment,  would  certainly  be  exposed 
in  its  early  stages.  Besides,  I  thought,  what 
ever  the  effect  might  be  in  pleasing  or  dis- 
;  pleasing  any  individuals  at  the  present  moment, 
a  due  concern  for  my  own  reputation,  not  less 
decisively  than  a  sacred  regard  to  the  interests 
of  the  community,  required,  that  I  should  hold 
myself  absolutely  at  liberty  to  act,  while  in 
office,  with  a  sole  reference  to  justice  and  the 
public  good." 

In  practice  he  verified  these  declarations, 
acting  in  every  case  with  perfect  independence, 
looking  first  to  the  national  interests,  and  next 
to  the  best  means  of  promoting  them,  and  ad 
mitting  no  other  ground  of  preference  between 
candidates,  whose  pretensions  were  in  other 
respects  equal,  than  that  of  former  efforts  or 
sacrifices  in  serving  their  country. 
'  For  some  time  it  had  been  the  President's 
intention  in  the  recess  of  Congress  to  make  a 
tour  through  the  eastern  States,  as  well  for  the 
reestablishment  of  his  health,  as  for  observing 
the  condition  of  the  people,  and  the  general 
disposition  in  regard  to  the  new  form  of  gov- 


246  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

ernment.  He  anticipated  pleasure  also  in  re 
viewing  the  scenes  of  his  first  military  cam 
paign  as  Commander-in-chief,  and  in  meeting 
the  associates,  who  had  contributed  to  lessen 
his  toils  and  invigorate  his  spirit  in  times  of 
peril  and  despondency.  About  the  middle  of 
October  he  left  New  York,  accompanied  by  his 
two  secretaries,  Mr.  Lear  and  Mr.  Jackson,  and 
he  was  absent  a  month.  He  travelled  in  his 
own  carriage,  and  proceeded  by  way  of  New 
Haven,  Hartford,  Worcester,  Boston,  Salem, 
and  Newburyport,  as  far  as  Portsmouth  in  New 
Hampshire.  He  returned  by  a  different  route 
through  the  interior  of  the  country  to  Hartford, 
and  thence  to  New  York. 

Such  was  the  enthusiasm,  which  was  now 
felt  by  all  classes  of  the  community  in  regard 
to  Washington,  an  enthusiasm  inspired  by  his 
virtues  and  his  fame,  that  it  was  impossible  for 
him  to  move  in  any  direction,  without  drawing 
around  him  thousands  of  spectators,  eager  to 
gratify  their  eyes  with  a  sight  of  his  person, 
to  greet  him  with  acclamations  of  joy,  and  to 
exhibit  testimonies  of  their  respect  and  vene 
ration.  Men,  women,  and  children,  people  of 
all  ranks,  ages,  and  occupations,  assembled 
from  far  and  near  at  the  crossings  of  the  roads 
and  other  public  places,  where  it  was  known 
he  would  pass.  Military  escorts  attended  him 


jEx.57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  247 

on  the  way,  and  at  the  principal  towns  he 
was  received  and  entertained  by  the  civil 
authorities.  Addresses  were  as  usual  present 
ed  to  him  by  corporate  bodies,  religious  socie 
ties,  and  literary  institutions,  to  which  he  re 
turned  appropriate  answers. 

This  journey  was  in  all  respects  satisfactory 
to  him,  not  more  as  furnishing  proofs  of  the 
strong  attachment  of  the  people,  than  as  con 
vincing  him  of  the  growing  prosperity  of  the 
country,  and  of  the  favor  which  the  constitu 
tion  and  the  administration  of  government 
were  gaining  in  the  public  mind.  He  was 
happy  to  see,  that  the  effects  of  the  war  had 
almost  disappeared,  that  agriculture  was  pur 
sued  with  activity,  that  the  harvests  were 
abundant,  manufactures  increasing,  the  towns 
nourishing,  and  commerce  becoming  daily 
more  extended  and  profitable.  The  condition 
of  society,  the  progress  of  improvements,  the 
success  of  industrious  enterprise,  all  gave  to 
kens  of  order,  peace,  and  contentment,  and  a 
most  cheering  promise  for  the  future. 

The  time  for  the  adjournment  of  Congress 
having  expired,  the  two  houses  reassembled 
in  the  first  week  of  January.  The  President 
met  them  in  the  senate-chamber,  and  delivered 
his  speech  at  the  opening  of  the  session.  Such 
was  the  custom  during  Washington's  admin- 


248  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1789. 

istration  ;  but  it  was  afterwards  changed,  and 
the  President  communicated  with  Congress 
only  by  written  messages.  This  was  like 
wise  Washington's  practice,  except  at  the  be 
ginning  of  a  session,  when  he  addressed  the 
two  houses  in  person.  These  addresses  were 
called  speeches,  and  other  communications 
were  designated  as  messages.  At  this  time,  j 
after  congratulating  Congress  on  the  prosper-  | 
ous  condition  of  the  country,  and  the  favor  ! 
with  which  their  previous  doings  had  been 
received,  he  recommended  several  subjects  as 
claiming  their  attention,  particularly  a  pro 
vision  for  the  common  defence ;  laws  for  nat 
uralizing  foreigners  ;  a  uniformity  in  the  cur 
rency,  weights,  and  measures  ;  the  encourage 
ment  of  agriculture,  commerce,  and  manufac 
tures  ;  the  promotion  of  science  and  literature  ; 
and  an  effective  system  for  the  support  of 
public  credit. 

To  the  difficulties  involved  in  this  last  sub 
ject  may  indeed  be  traced  the  primary  causes  3 
of  the  constitution,  and  it  had  already  attract-' 
ed  the  notice  of  the  national  legislature.     The 
former  session  had  necessarily  been  consumed 
in  framing  laws  for  putting  the  new  govern 
ment  in  operation  ;  but,  a  few  days  before  its 
close,  a  resolution  was  passed  by  the  House 
of  Representatives,  in  which  it  was  declared 


JE-r.51.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  249 

that  an  adequate  provision  for  the  support  of 
public  credit  was  essential  to  the  national  hon 
or  and  prosperity,  and  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  was  directed  to  prepare  a  plan  for 
the  purpose,  and  report  it  to  the  House  at  the 
next  session.  The  national  debt  had  its  origin 
chiefly  in  the  Revolution.  It  was  of  two 
kinds,  foreign  and  domestic.  The  foreign 
debt  amounted  to  nearly  twelve  millions  of 
dollars,  and  was  due  to  France,  the  Holland 
ers,  and  a  very  small  part  to  Spain.  The  do 
mestic  debt,  due  to  individuals  in  the  United 
States  for  loans  to  the  government  and  sup 
plies  furnished  to  the  army,  was  about  forty- 
two  millions.  These  debts  had  been  con 
tracted  by  Congress,  and  were  acknowledged 
to  be  a  national  charge.  There  was  another 
description  of  debts,  amounting  by  estimate  to 
about  twenty-five  millions  of  dollars,  which 
rested  on  a  different  footing.  The  States  in 
dividually  had  constructed  works  of  defence 
within  their  respective  limits,  advanced  pay 
and  bounties  to  Continental  troops  and  militia, 
and  supplied  provisions,  clothing,  and  muni 
tions  of  war.  The  secretary  proposed,  that 
all  the  domestic  debts,  including  those  of  the 
particular  States,  should  be  funded,  and  that 
the  nation  should  become  responsible  for  their 
payment  to  the  full  amount. 


250  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1790. 

The  report  was  able,  perspicuous,  and  com 
prehensive,  embracing  a  complete  view  of  the 
subject,  and  containing  arguments  of  great 
cogency  in  support  of  the  plan  suggested. 
As  to  the  foreign  debt,  there  was  no  question 
in  the  mind  of  any  one,  that  it  ought  to  be 
discharged  according  to  the  strict  letter  of 
the  contracts,  but  in  regard  to  the  domestic 
debts  a  difference  of  opinion  prevailed.  The 
secretary  endeavored  to  prove,  that  no  distinc 
tion  should  be  admitted,  that  the  expenditures 
had  all  been  made  for  national  objects,  and 
that  in  equity  the  public  faith  was  solemnly 
pledged  for  their  reimbursement.  The  obli 
gation  was  increased  by  their  being  "  the  price 
of  liberty,"  without  which  the  nation  itself 
could  never  have  attained  an  independent  ex 
istence.  He  argued  that  the  policy  of  the 
measure  was  not  less  obvious  than  its  justice, 
that  public  credit  was  essential  to  the  support 
of  government  under  any  form,  and  that  this 
could  be  maintained  only  by  good  faith  in  all 
transactions,  and  by  honorably  fulfilling  en 
gagements.  Who  would  confide  in  a  govern 
ment,  that  had  refused  to  pay  its  debts,  or  re 
spect  a  nation  that  had  shown  a  disregard  to 
the  principles,  which  constitute  the  cement  of 
every  well  ordered  community  ? 

When  the  report  was  considered  in  Con- 


jEx.58.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  251 

gress,  it  gave  rise  to  warm  and  protracted  de 
bates.  The  opponents  of  the  secretary's  plan 
were  not  without  plausible  reasons.  As  to  the 
debt  contracted  by  Congress,  it  was  said  that 
the  usual  maxims  could  not  properly  be  ap 
plied.  The  evidences  of  this  debt  consisted 
in  a  paper  currency  and  certificates,  which,  as 
there  was  no  gold  or  silver,  the  creditors  were 
from  the  necessity  of  the  case  obliged  to  take. 
This  paper  had  in  most  cases  passed  through 
many  hands,  and  was  immensely  depreciated 
below  its  nominal  value.  The  original  cred 
itors,  therefore,  and  the  subsequent  holders, 
had  lost  in  proportion  to  the  scale  of  deprecia 
tion.  Hence  the  proposal  to  assume  the  whole 
debt,  as  it  stood  on  the  face  of  the  paper,  and 
pay  it  to  the  present  holders,  was  said  to  be 
inequitable,  inasmuch  as  these  had  purchased 
it  at  the  depreciated  value,  and  had  no  claim 
to  be  remunerated  for  the  losses  of  the  previ 
ous  holders. 

Mr.  Madison  proposed  a  discrimination,  by 
which  the  purchasers  should  be  paid  a  certain 
portion,  and  the  original  holders  the  remain 
der.  This  was  objected  to  as  unjust  and  im 
practicable.  By  the  form  and  tenor  of  the 
certificates,  the  debt  was  made  payable  to  the 
original  creditor  or  bearer.  On  these  terms 
they  had  been  sold,  and  the  sellers  had  relin- 


252  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1790. 

quished  all  their  claims  to  the  purchasers  for 
what  was  deemed  an  equivalent.  When  the 
transfers  were  made,  it  was  understood  by 
both  parties  to  be  on  this  principle,  and  the 
purchaser  took  the  risk  of  eventual  payment. 
It  was  clear,  also,  that  it  would  be  impossible 
to  make  the  discrimination,  except  to  a  lim 
ited  extent  and  in  a  partial  manner,  since  the 
numerous  transfers  of  the  original  creditors 
could  not  be  ascertained  and  examined ;  and 
even  at  best  no  provision  was  offered  for  the 
losses  of  the  intermediate  holders  by  the  gradual 
depreciation.  After  a  long  debate  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  this  scheme  was  rejected. 

Next  came  up  the  State  debts ;  and  the 
proposition  to  assume  them  created  still  great 
er  divisions  and  heats  in  Congress,  and  much 
excitement  abroad.  It  brought  into  action  all 
the  local  prejudices  and  high-toned  doctrines 
of  State  rights  and  State  sovereignty,  which 
had  been  so  heavy  a  stumblingblock  in  the 
way  of  union  and  concord  from  the  beginning 
of  the  Revolution.  The  debts  of  the  respec 
tive  States  were  very  unequal  in  amount. 
This  led  to  an  investigation  of  the  services 
rendered  by  each,  and  to  invidious  compari 
sons.  The  project  was  opposed  as  unconsti 
tutional  and  unjust.  Congress,  it  was  said, 
had  no  power  to  take  this  burden  upon  the 


JEr.  58.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  253 

nation.  Such  an  assumption  of  power  was 
moreover  an  encroachment  upon  the  sove 
reignty  of  the  States,  tending  to  diminish 
their  importance,  and  lead  to  a  consolidation 
destructive  of  the  republican  system.  Each 
State  was  responsible  for  the  debts  it  had  con 
tracted,  and  there  was  no  reason  for  taxing 
those  States,  which  owed  little,  to  pay  a  por 
tion  of  the  large  debt  of  others. 

It  was  argued  in  reply,  that,  as  the  expen 
ditures  had  all  been  for  the  common  cause  of 
the  nation,  they  came  strictly  within  the  le 
gitimate  control  of  Congress  ;  and  also,  as  the 
constitution  had  transferred  to  the  national 
legislature  the  entire  power  of  raising  funds 
from  duties  on  imports  and  the  sales  of  public 
lands,  the  principal  sources  of  revenue,  it  was 
just  that  the  debts  should  be  paid  out  of  these 
funds.  The  States  could  pay  them  only  by 
excise  duties,  or  direct  taxes,  which  would  be 
odious  to  the  people  and  difficult  to  collect. 
In  any  event  there  must  be  long  delays, 
and  much  uncertainty  as  to  the  result.  The 
creditors  had  a  right  to  claim  more  prompt 
payment,  and  better  security  from  the  nation. 

At  last  the  secretary's  plan  for  funding  all 
the  domestic  debts  was  carried  by  a  small 
majority  in  both  houses  of  Congress.  In  re 
gard  to  the  State  debts,  however,  the  original 


254  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1790. 

proposition  was  modified.  The  specific  sum 
of  twenty-one  millions  and  a  half  of  dollars 
was  assumed,  and  apportioned  among  the 
States  in  a  proximate  ratio  to  the  amount  of 
the  debts  of  each.  An  act  was  passed  by 
which  the  whole  of  the  domestic  debt  became 
a  loan  to  the  nation.  It  was  made  redeema 
ble  at  various  times,  and  at  various  rates  of 
interest. 

One  of  the  principal  arguments  for  funding 
the  debt,  in  addition  to  that  of  its  equity,  was 
the  advantage  that  would  be  derived  from  it 
as  an  active  capital  for  immediate  use.  Sus 
tained  by  the  credit  of  the  nation,  bearing  in 
terest  and  redeemable  at  certain  times,  the 
paper  securities  of  the  government  would  have 
a  permanent  value  in  the  market,  and  thus  be 
a  spur  to  enterprise,  and  increase  the  prosper 
ity  of  the  country  in  its  agriculture,  manufac 
tures,  and  commerce.  All  that  was  anticipat 
ed  from  the  funding  system,  in  these  respects, 
was  realized.  Politically  considered,  how 
ever,  it  had  an  unhappy  influence.  It  widened 
the  breach  of  parties,  produced  irritations,  and 
excited  animosities.  Nor  was  it  to  be  expect 
ed  that  the  adversaries  of  the  plan,  and  these 
a  large  minority,  would  readily  change  their 
opinion  after  the  strenuous  opposition  they 
had  shown,  or  cease  from  their  hostility.  The 


jET.58.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  255 

President  expressed  no  sentiments  on  the  sub 
ject  while  it  was  under  debate  in  Congress, 
but  he  approved  the  act  for  funding  the  public 
debt,  and  was  undoubtedly,  from  conviction, 
a  decided  friend  to  the  measure. 

Another  important  point,  upon  which  Con 
gress  under  the  old  Confederation  had  been 
for  a  long  time  divided,  was  settled  in  the 
course  of  this  session.  Local  interests,  and 
other  considerations,  made  it  difficult  to  agree 
on  the  place  for  the  permanent  seat  of  gov 
ernment.  It  was  at  length  determined,  that 
it  should  be  removed  for  ten  years  to  Phila 
delphia,  and  then  be  established  at  some  place 
on  the  Potomac  River.  Ultimately  the  posi 
tion  was  selected,  which  has  since  been  called 
the  District  of  Columbia;  and  the  territory 
was  surveyed,  the  city  planned,  and  the  pub 
lic  buildings  commenced  under  the  direction 
of  Washington,  this  duty  devolving  on  him 
as  President.  For  three  or  four  years  it  oc 
cupied  a  great  deal  of  his  attention ;  and,  in 
compliance  with  the  laws,  he  appointed  com 
missioners  for  managing  the  business,  with 
whom  he  carried  on  a  voluminous  correspond 
ence,  giving  personal  directions,  and  requiring 
exact  accounts  of  all  proceedings. 


256  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1790. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

The  President  visits  Rhode  Island  and  Mount  Vernon.  —  Foreign 
Relations  of  the  United  States.  —  France,  England,  Spain. — 
Indian  War.  —  Washington's  Policy  respecting  the  Indians.  — 
Congress  meets  at  Philadelphia.  —  A  National  Bank  established. 
—  Tax  on  distilled  Spirits.  —  The  President's  Tour  through  the 
Southern  States.  —  Apportionment  Bill.  —  Parties  and  their 
Causes.  —  Dissensions  between  the  Secretary  of  State  and  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  —  Washington's  Attempts  to  recon 
cile  them. 

RHODE  ISLAND  having  adopted  the  constitu 
tion,  and  acceded  to  the  Union,  the  President 
made  a  visit  to  that  State  immediately  after 
the  session  of  Congress.  In  his  eastern  tour 
he  had  avoided  going  to  Rhode  Island,  because 
it  had  not  then  joined  the  Union  under  the 
new  government. 

Another  severe  disease,  and  constant  appli 
cation  to  business,  had  much  impaired  his 
health ;  and  he  determined  to  take  advantage 
of  the  recess  of  Congress,  throw  off  for  a  brief 
space  the  burden  of  public  cares,  and  seek  re 
pose  and  recreation  in  his  own  quiet  home  at 
Mount  Vernon.  He  always  returned  to  that 
spot  with  delight  ;  and  it  was  now  doubly 
dear  to  him,  as  it  promised  rest  from  labor,  re 
freshment  to  his  weary  spirit  and  debilitated 
body,  and  a  few  days  of  leisure  to  ride  over 


^£T.  58.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  257 

his  farms,  view  his  gardens,  orchards,  and 
fields,  and  observe  the  progress  of  his  agricul 
tural  operations. 

The  foreign  relations  of  the  United  States, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  new  government, 
though  not  complicated,  were  nevertheless  in 
an  unsettled  condition.  With  France  there 
was  a  good  understanding,  the  treaties  of  alli 
ance  and  commerce  having  been  scrupulously 
fulfilled  on  both  sides.  The  revolutionary  dis 
orders,  however,  soon  broke  out,  and  produced 
disagreements,  alienation,  and  trouble. 

With  Morocco  a  sort  of  informal  treaty  ex 
isted,  and  Washington  wrote  two  letters  to  the 
Emperor,  who  had  received  American  vessels 
into  his  ports,  and  promised  his  aid  to  concili 
ate  the  Barbary  powers.  This  promise  was 
unavailing.  The  Algerines  had  seized  vessels 
belonging  to  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and 
held  the  officers  and  sailors  in  bondage  for  sev 
eral  years. 

The  government  stood  in  a  more  delicate 
relation  to  England,  than  to  any  other  power. 
The  old  feuds  and  bitter  feelings  of  the  war 
subsided  slowly.  All  attempts  to  bring  about 
a  treaty  of  commerce  between  the  two  coun 
tries  had  failed.  The  British  cabinet,  probably 
distrusting  the  stability  of  the  Union  under 
the  old  Confederation,  had  shown  no  disposi- 

VOL.  n.  17 


258  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1790. 

tion  to  enter  into  a  treaty  of  this  sort,  and  had 
never  sent  a  minister  to  the  United  States. 
The  military  posts  on  the  frontiers  had  not 
been  given  up,  as  was  stipulated  in  the  treaty 
of  peace.  The  reason  assigned,  that  some  of 
the  States  had  refused  to  pay  the  debts  due  to 
British  subjects,  which  they  were  likewise 
bound  to  do  by  the  treaty,  was  plausible,  and 
perhaps  well  founded.  Congress  had  but  a 
limited  power  to  enforce  a  compliance  with 
treaties  ;  and  it  was  natural  in  such  a  case, 
that  other  nations  should  be  tardy  in  making 
them.  This  state  of  things  being  altered  by 
the  constitution,  President  Washington  thought 
it  desirable  to  ascertain  the  views  and  inten 
tions  of  the  British  government,  in  regard  to 
complying  with  the  treaty  of  peace,  and  to  fu 
ture  intercourse.  To  attain  this  end  he  com 
missioned  Gouverneur  Morris  as  a  private  agent 
to  hold  conversations  with  the  British  minis 
ters,  deeming  it  of  great  importance,  as  he 
said,  that  errors  should  be  avoided  in  the  sys 
tem  of  policy  respecting  Great  Britain. 

Affairs  with  Spain  were  yet  more  unpromis 
ing.  At  the  outset  of  the  Revolution,  his 
Catholic  Majesty,  yielding  to  the  solicitations 
of  France,  seemed  to  abet  the  American  cause  j 
but  he  soon  changed  his  mind,  refused  to  join 
with  France  in  acknowledging  the  indepen- 


^£T.  53.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  259 

dence  of  the  United  States,  even  when  he  de 
clared  war  against  England,  and  gave  his 
sanction  to  the  treaty  of  peace  with  no  good 
will.  He  feared  the  effect,  and  not  without 
reason,  which  the  example  of  the  northern  re 
publicans  might  have  upon  his  colonies  in 
South  America.  A  negotiation  had  been  go 
ing  on,  tedious  as  it  was  unprofitable,  down  to 
the  time  of  Washington's  election  to  the  Pres 
idency,  but  no  apparent  progress  had  been 
made.  The  Floridas  and  Louisiana  belonged 
to  Spain.  The  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
was  the  great  point  of  controversy.  This  was 
essential  to  the  settlers  in  the  West,  and  was 
becoming  every  day  more  and  more  so  on  ac 
count  of  the  rapid  increase  of  the  population. 
Spain  persisted  in  withholding  all  rights  and 
privileges  in  that  navigation  from  citizens  of 
the  United  States.  There  were  various  grounds 
of  policy  for  this  refusal,  but  probably  the  most 
operative  was  a  secret  hope,  that  the  western 
inhabitants,  weary  of  these  obstacles  to  their 
commerce,  and  dissatisfied  with  the  national 
government  for  not  removing  them,  might 
sooner  or  later  dissever  themselves  from  the 
Union,  and  form  a  separate  republic,  which 
would  easily  fall  under  the  control  of  Spain. 

Other  circumstances,  growing  out  of  the  re 
lations  with  England  and  Spain,  were  extreme- 


260  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1790. 

ly  injurious  to  the  interests  of  the  country. 
During  the  war,  the  Indians  on  the  borders  of 
the  United  States  had  almost  everywhere  been 
allied  with  the  enemy.  When  peace  came,  it 
found  them  in  the  attitude  of  hostility,  their 
savage  spirit  roused,  and  their  vindictive  tem 
pers  eager  for  slaughter  and  revenge  ;  and  the 
United  States  were  left  to  appease  and  concili 
ate  them  as  they  could.  In  any  case  this  would 
have  been  an  arduous  task,  but  the  difficulty 
was  soon  perceived  to  be  increased  by  a  foreign 
influence,  keeping  alive  their  enmity,  and  stim 
ulating  them  to  acts  of  outrage.  British  agents 
and  traders  on  the  northern  frontier  furnished 
the  Indians  with  arms,  ammunition,  and  cloth 
ing.  In  Florida  the  Spaniards  tampered  with 
the  Creeks  and  other  Southern  Indians,  and 
kept  them  at  variance  with  their  white  neigh 
bors.  These  acts  were  not  acknowledged, 
possibly  not  authorized,  by  the  English  and 
Spanish  governments,  but  they  were  certainly 
not  restrained,  and  they  were  repeated  long 
after  full  representations  had  been  made. 

The  effect  was  a  protracted  and  expensive 
war.  Washington's  policy  in  regard  to  the 
Indians  was  always  pacific  arid  humane.  He 
considered  them  as  children,  who  should  be 
treated  with  tenderness  and  forbearance.  He 
aimed  to  conciliate  them  by  good  usage,  to  ob- 


^Er.  58.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  261 

tain  their  lands  by  fair  purchase  and  punctual 
payments,  to  make  treaties  with  them  on  terms 
of  equity  and  reciprocal  advantage,  and  strictly 
to  redeem  every  pledge.  In  these  respects  he 
looked  upon  the  Indian  tribes  as  holding  the 
same  rank  and  the  same  rights  as  civilized  na 
tions.  But  their  faithlessness,  ravages,  and 
murders  were  not  to  be  tolerated,  from  what 
ever  causes  they  arose.  After  failing  in  every 
attempt  at  a  pacification,  he  was  convinced 
that  war  was  the  only  alternative.  It  contin 
ued  four  or  five  years,  with  many  vicissitudes 
of  misfortune  and  disaster,  the  defeats  of  Har- 
mar  and  St.  Clair,  unsuccessful  campaigns, 
and  much  waste  of  blood  and  treasure,  till 
General  Wayne  put  an  end  to  it,  first  by  a  bat 
tle,  and  then  by  a  treaty  of  peace.  This  war 
lasted  through  a  large  part  of  Washington's 
administration.  It  was  a  source  of  regret  and 
pain  to  him,  on  account  both  of  its  cause,  the 
necessity  of  subduing  by  force  the  turbulence 
of  an  ignorant  and  deluded  race  of  men,  and 
of  the  heavy  charge  it  imposed  on  the  nation 
for  maintaining  an  army. 

Congress  commenced  their  third  session  at 
Philadelphia,  and  the  President  returned  from 
Mount  Vernon  to  that  city,  where  he  after 
wards  resided  till  the  term  of  his  office  expired. 
The  debates  of  this  session  were  scarcely  less 


262  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1790. 

vehement,  or  less  deeply  tinged  with  party  an 
tipathies,  than  those  of  the  preceding.  Two 
important  measures  were  brought  forward,  dis 
cussed,  and  adopted  ;  a  national  bank,  and  a 
tax  on  ardent  spirits  distilled  in  the  United 
States. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had  previ 
ously  recommended  a  national  bank,  as  of 
great  utility  in  administering  the  finances  of 
the  country,  and  facilitating  the  operations  for 
the  support  of  public  credit.  He  now  called 
the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  subject  by  a 
special  report,  in  which  his  views  were  ex 
plained  with  the  same  perspicuity  and  vigor 
of  argument,  which  marked  every  thing  that 
came  from  his  pen.  The  project  met  with  a 
strong  opposition.  It  was  attacked  chiefly 
on  the  ground  of  its  being  unconstitutional. 
Much  was  said  of  the  express,  incidental,  and 
implied  powers  conferred  on  Congress  by  the 
constitution ;  and  it  was  averred,  that  none  of 
these,  nor  all  of  them  together,  authorized  the 
incorporating  of  a  bank.  Its  policy  was  ques 
tioned,  and  the  utility  of  banking  systems  de 
nied.  To  this  it  was  answered,  that  such  in 
cidental  powers  must  necessarily  belong  to 
every  form  of  government,  as  will  enable  it  to 
carry  into  effect  the  positive  and  vested  powers, 
and  to  employ  all  the  usual  means  for  that 


jEr.59.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  263 

purpose  j  and  that  a  construction  of  the  con 
stitution  according  to  this  fundamental  princi 
ple  fairly  included  the  means  afforded  by  a 
bank,  to  which  almost  all  commercial  nations 
had  resorted,  and  the  advantages  of  which  had 
been  proved  by  long  experience. 

The  arguments  were  somewhat  metaphys 
ical  and  attenuated  on  both  sides  ;  and  indeed 
the  attempt  to  define  what  is  intended  or  im 
plied  by  a  written  instrument,  on  points  about 
which  it  says  nothing,  must  naturally  lead  to 
abstractions  little  suited  to  enlighten  or  con 
vince.  No  other  rule  of  interpretation  would 
seem  to  be  applicable  in  practice,  than  that  a 
proposed  measure  shall  contribute  to  the  public 
good,  and  not  contravene  any  express  power. 
The  contest  ended  in  the  establishment  of  a 
bank,  with  a  capital  of  ten  millions  of  dollars, 
of  which  eight  millions  were  to  be  held  by 
individuals,  and  the  residue  by  the  govern 
ment. 

On  this  subject  the  cabinet  was  divided. 
Jefferson  and  Randolph  being  opposed  to  the 
bank  as  unconstitutional,  and  Hamilton  and 
Knox  of  a  contrary  opinion.  The  President 
requested  from  each  a  statement  of  his  rea 
sons  in  writing,  and  he  is  understood, to  have 
reflected  deeply,  and  deliberated  even  with 


264  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1791. 

more  than  his  usual  caution,  before  he  affixed 
his  signature  to  the  act. 

The  object  of  the  tax  on  distilled  spirits 
was  to  provide  a  fund  for  paying  the  interest 
on  a  portion  of  the  domestic  debt.  The  duties 
on  imports  were  said  to  be  strained  as  far  as 
they  would  bear,  without  injury  to  commerce, 
and  perhaps  to  the  revenue  by  holding  out  a 
temptation  to  smuggling  ;  and,  as  a  new  tax 
must  be  laid  somewhere,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  thought  it  could  fall  on  no  commodi 
ty  less  objectionable  than  ardent  spirits  distilled 
in  the  country.  The  tax  was  opposed  as  im 
politic  and  unequal  in  its  application.  It  was 
branded  as  an  odious  excise,  hostile  to  liberty, 
the  collecting  of  which  would  inflame  the 
people,  and  lead  to  evasions  and  perhaps  to  re 
sistance.  It  was  unequal,  because  distilling 
was  practised  mostly  in  the  West,  and  a  few 
limited  districts  in  other  parts.  This  argu 
ment  was  more  specious  than  sound,  since  the 
consumers  would  actually  pay  the  tax ;  but  it 
was  vehemently  urged  by  some  of  the  repre 
sentatives.  The  bill  was  carried,  and  was 
more  remarkable  for  its  consequences,  than  for 
its  characteristics  as  a  legislative  act,  in  what 
ever  light  it  may  be  viewed. 

The  President  had  fixed  on  the  next  recess 
of  Congress  for  a  tour  through  the  southern 


JET.  59.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  265 

States.  He  set  off  about  the  middle  of  March, 
and  was  gone  three  months,  performing  in 
that  time  a  journey  of  eighteen  hundred  and 
eighty-seven  miles  with  the  same  horses.  His 
route  was  through  Richmond,  Wilmington, 
and  Charleston,  as  far  as  Savannah  ;  whence 
he  returned  by  way  of  Augusta,  Columbia, 
and  the  interior  of  North  Carolina  and  Virginia. 
Before  leaving  home,  he  had  ascertained  with 
great  accuracy  the  distances  between  one  place 
and  another,  settled  the  precise  day  upon 
which  he  should  arrive  at  each,  and  the  length 
of  time  he  should  stop.  Not  a  single  accident 
occurred ;  and  with  such  exactness  and  meth 
od  had  his  calculations  been  made,  that  his 
original  plan  was  executed  in  every  particular, 
except  that  he  stayed  one  day  more  in  one 
place  than  he  intended,  and  one  day  less  in 
another.  He  everywhere  received  the  same 
proofs  of  respect  and  attachment,  which  had 
been  manifested  in  his  travels  through  the 
middle  and  eastern  States. 

The  principal  laws  passed  at  the  next  ses 
sion  were  those  for  apportioning  the  represen 
tatives,  establishing  a  uniform  militia  system, 
and  increasing  the  army.  The  constitution  had 
prescribed,  that  the  representatives  in  the  na 
tional  legislature  should  be  apportioned  among 
the  several  States  according  to  the  respective 


266  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1791. 

numbers  of  their  population,  but  that  the  whole 
number  of  representatives  should  riot  exceed 
one  for  every  thirty  thousand.  When  the  new 
apportionment  bill  was  proposed,  it  was  found 
that  no  ratio  could  be  chosen,  which  would 
not  leave  large  fractions  to  some  of  the  States. 
For  instance,  if  thirty  thousand  were  taken  as 
the  ratio,  there  would  be  an  unrepresented  sur 
plus  of  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand,  more  or 
less,  in  some  of  the  States.  To  remedy  this 
imperfection,  a  bill  was  introduced  and  passed, 
which  fixed  the  ratio  at  thirty  thousand.  The 
total  population  was  divided  by  this  ratio, 
which  gave  one  hundred  and  twenty  as  the 
whole  number  of  representatives.  But  this 
included  the  sum  of  all  the  fractions  ;  and,  af 
ter  apportioning  to  each  State  one  representa 
tive  for  every  thirty  thousand,  the  residuary 
members,  to  make  the  whole  number  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty,  were  distributed  among 
the  States  in  which  the  fractions  were  the 
largest.  The  President  decided,  that  this  bill 
did  not  conform  to  the  constitution,  it  being 
obvious  that  the  ratio  was  meant  to  apply  to 
the  States  individually,  and  not  to  the  aggre 
gate  amount  of  population  in  them  all.  He 
therefore  returned  the  bill  to  Congress,  with 
his  reasons  for  not  affixing  his  signature.  A 
new  bill  was  then  framed  and  approved,  fixing 


JSx.59.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  267 

the  ratio  at  thirty-three  thousand,  and  throw 
ing  out  the  fractions. 

The  subject  derived  an  importance  from  the 
spirit  of  party,  and  local  jealousies,  which  en 
tered  into  the  discussion.  Many  of  the  mem 
bers  were  strenuous  for  as  large  a  representa 
tion  as  possible,  by  which  the  rights  of  the 
States  would  be  better  preserved,  and  a  check 
afforded  to  the  undue  increase  of  executive 
power.  The  bill  for  the  increase  of  the  army 
was  opposed  on  the  same  grounds.  It  would 
enlarge  the  executive  patronage,  which  might 
ultimately  be  adverse  to  liberty,  and  a  greater 
evil  than  the  Indian  war,  for  the  prosecution 
of  which  the  army  was  wanted. 

It  became  evident,  indeed,  from  many  indi 
cations,  both  in  Congress  and  abroad,  that  the 
advocates  for  different  measures  were  fast  ar 
ranging  themselves  into  two  distinct  parties, 
the  administration  and  its  friends  on  one  side, 
and  its  opponents  on  the  other.  In  the  first 
place,  they  who  had  opposed  the  constitution 
would  naturally  have  their  prejudices  arrayed 
against  it  when  put  in  practice,  and  be  ready 
to  find  fault  with  any  system  by  which  this 
was  effected.  Again,  all  those  who  had  watch 
ed  with  solicitude  over  the  rights  of  the  States, 
and  believed  these  in  danger,  would  be  pre 
pared  to  see  the  fulfilment  of  their  predictions 


268  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1791. 

in  the  acts  of  the  general  government,  however 
administered.  If  to  these  we  add  the  bias  of 
personal  feelings,  the  influence  of  the  passions, 
an  unlimited  freedom  of  speech,  and  the  ten 
dency  of  opposition  to  beget  opposition,  we 
shall  have  abundant  materials  for  creating  par 
ties  and  aliment  for  their  support.  And,  as 
parties  gain  strength  by  union,  it  was  easy  for 
these  elements,  at  first  discordant,  gradually  to 
assimilate.  Nor  need  we  question  the  motives 
of  any  individual  or  class  of  men.  It  is  fair 
to  presume,  that,  at  this  stage  of  our  political 
progress,  there  was  as  much  patriotism  and 
sincerity  on  both  sides  as  at  any  other  period. 
It  is  true,  that,  when  a  man  gives  himself  up 
to  a  party,  he  is  apt  to  forget  his  country ;  yet 
in  all  free  communities  there  must  be  parties, 
and  every  man  must  belong  to  one  or  another, 
so  that  his  motives  should  be  judged  by  his 
conduct  and  character,  rather  than  by  the  side 
he  takes.  The  necessity  of  parties  is  not 
identical  with  their  abuse.  The  former  is  the 
safeguard  of  liberty,  the  latter  its  bane.  If  the 
people  would  enjoy  the  one,  they  must  be  en 
lightened  enough  to  perceive  and  virtuous 
enough  to  correct  the  other. 

But  this  is  not  the  place  to  examine  into  the 
origin  or  principles  of  the  two  great  parties, 
which  at  that  time  began  to  divide  the  country, 


;£T.  60.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  269 

and  which  have  continued  ever  since,  with  such 
modifications  as  have  sprung  from  events  and 
circumstances.  It  needs  only  to  be  said,  that 
they  were  viewed  with  deep  regret  by  Wash 
ington,  and  with  a  painful  apprehension  of  their 
effects.  Conscious  of  acting  with  the  single 
aim  of  administering  the  government  for  the 
best  interests  and  happiness  of  the  people,  he 
was  mortified  to  find  his  endeavors  thwarted 
at  every  step  by  party  discords  and  personal 
enmities  among  those,  who  controlled  public 
opinion  by  their  standing  and  talents,  and  on 
whose  aid  he  relied.  It  was  not  in  Congress 
alone,  that  these  jarrings  occurred.  They 
crept  into  the  cabinet,  disturbing  its  harmony, 
and  dividing  its  counsels. 

He  had  for  some  time  been  aware  of  a  radi 
cal  difference  of  opinion  between  the  Secretary 
of  State  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  on 
some  of  the  most  important  measures  of  the 
administration.  The  causes  were  deeply  seat 
ed.  Hamilton  regarded  the  constitution  as  af 
fording  inadequate  powers  to  the  general  gov 
ernment,  and  believed  its  weakness  to  be  its 
greatest  defect.  Hence  he  thought  its  success 
could  be  hoped  for  only  by  construing  and  ad 
ministering  it  in  such  a  manner,  as  would  add 
the  greatest  degree  of  strength  to  the  execu 
tive.  Jefferson's  sentiments  and  fears  ran  in 


270  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1792. 

an  opposite  direction.  To  him  it  appeared, 
that  there  was  too  much  power  in  the  head, 
that  the  exercise  of  the  executive  authority 
ought  to  be  restrained,  and  that  the  rights  of 
States  and  the  liberty  of  the  people  were  in 
jeopardy.  The  funding  system,  the  assump 
tion  of  the  State  debts,  the  bank,  and  the  tax 
on  domestic  spirits,  were  all  at  variance  with 
his  principles. 

These  measures  originated  with  Hamilton, 
and  constituted  the  prominent  features  of  the 
administration.  The  ability  with  which  they 
had  been  planned,  and  their  success,  contrib 
uted  to  elevate  their  author  in  the  public  esti 
mation,  which,  to  say  the  least,  could  not  be 
supposed  to  gratify  the  feelings  of  his  colleague, 
especially  as  he  looked  upon  the  measures 
themselves  to  be  wrong  and  fraught  with  mis 
chief;  nor  could  it  be  expected,  that  the  two 
secretaries  would  harmonize  in  devising  the 
means  of  carrying  them  into  execution.  It 
should  be  stated,  nevertheless,  that  Jefferson 
discharged  the  duties  of  his  office  to  the  entire 
satisfaction  of  the  President.  Though  differ 
ing  in  opinion  from  the  majority  of  the  cabi 
net,  he  did  not  allow  his  private  views  to  in 
fluence  his  conduct  as  a  member  of  that  coun 
cil,  or  as  holding  a  responsible  station  in  the 
government.  Nothing  more,  perhaps,  could 


JET. 60.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  271 

reasonably  be  required  of  him,  under  the  cir 
cumstances  in  which  he  was  placed ;  yet,  as  it 
regarded  the  success  of  the  administration,  a 
reluctant  performance  of  duty  was  far  from 
being  the  same  thing  as  the  cordial  and  vigor 
ous  support  of  a  willing  mind.  In  all  respects, 
therefore,  these  disagreements  were  unpropi- 
tious,  embarrassing  to  the  President,  and  inju 
rious  to  the  public  welfare. 

The  deep  anxiety  he  felt  on  this  subject, 
his  ardent  desire  to  heal  the  breach,  and  the 
means  he  took  to  accomplish  it,  will  appear  in 
the  following  extract  from  a  letter,  which  he 
wrote  to  Jefferson. 

"How  unfortunate,  and  how  much  to  be 
regretted  is  it,  that,  while  we  are  encompassed 
on  all  sides  with  avowed  enemies  and  insidi 
ous  friends,  internal  dissensions  should  be  har 
rowing  and  tearing  our  vitals.  The  latter,  to 
me,  is  the  most  serious,  the  most  alarming,  and 
the  most  afflicting  of  the  two  ;  and,  without 
more  charity  for  the  opinions  and  acts  of  one 
another  in  governmental  matters,  or  some  more 
infallible  criterion  by  which  the  truth  of  spec- 
'  ulative  opinions,  before  they  have  undergone 
the  test  of  experience,  are  to  be  forejudged, 
than  has  yet  fallen  to  the  lot  of  fallibility,  I 
believe  it  will  be  difficult,  if  not  impracticable, 
to  manage  the  reins  of  government,  or  to  keep 


272  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1792. 

the  parts  of  it  together ;  for  if,  instead  of  lay 
ing  our  shoulders  to  the  machine  after  meas 
ures  are  decided  on,  one  pulls  this  way  and 
another  that,  before  the  utility  of  the  thing  is 
fairly  tried,  it  must  inevitably  be  torn  asunder  ; 
and  in  my  opinion  the  fairest  prospect  of  hap 
piness  and  prosperity,  that  ever  was  presented 
to  man,  will  be  lost  perhaps  for  ever. 

"  My  earnest  wish  and  my  fondest  hope, 
therefore,  is,  that,  instead  of  wounding  suspi 
cions  and  irritating  charges,  there  may  be  lib 
eral  allowances,  mutual  forbearances,  and  tem 
porizing  yieldings  on  all  sides.  Under  the 
exercise  of  these,  matters  will  go  on  smoothly, 
and,  if  possible,  more  prosperously.  Without 
them,  every  thing  must  rub  ;  the  wheels  of 
government  will  clog ;  our  enemies  will  tri 
umph,  and,  by  throwing  their  weight  into  the 
disaffected  scale,  may  accomplish  the  ruin  of 
the  goodly  fabric  we  have  been  erecting. 

"  I  do  not  mean  to  apply  this  advice,  or 
these  observations,  to  any  particular  person  or 
character.  I  have  given  them  in  the  same 
general  terms  to  other  officers  of  the  govern 
ment  ;  because  the  disagreements,  which  have 
arisen  from  difference  of  opinions,  and  the  at 
tacks,  which  have  been  made  upon  almost  all 
the  measures  of  government,  and  most  of  its 
executive  officers,  have  for  a  long  time  past 


^Er.  60.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  273 

filled  me  with  painful  sensations,  and  cannot 
fail,  I  think,  of  producing  unhappy  consequen 
ces  at  home  and  abroad." 

He  wrote  likewise  to  Hamilton,  nearly  at 
the  same  time  and  almost  in  the  same  words, 
and  added  ;  "  Differences  in  political  opinions 
are  as  unavoidable,  as,  to  a  certain  point,  they 
may  perhaps  be  necessary  ;  but  it  is  exceed 
ingly  to  be  regretted,  that  subjects  cannot  be 
discussed  with  temper  on  the  one  hand,  or  de 
cisions  submitted  to  without  having  the  mo 
tives,  which  led  to  them,  improperly  implicated 
on  the  other ;  and  this  regret  borders  on  cha 
grin,  when  we  find  that  men  of  abilities,  zeal 
ous  patriots,  having  the  same  general  objects 
in  view,  and  the  same  upright  intentions  to 
prosecute  them,  will  not  exercise  more  charity 
in  deciding  on  the  opinions  and  actions  of  one 
another.  When  matters  get  to  such  lengths, 
the  natural  inference  is,  that  both  sides  have 
strained  the  cords  beyond  their  bearing,  and 
that  a  middle  course  would  be  found  the  best, 
until  experience  shall  have  decided  on  the 
right  way,  or  (which  is  not  be  expected,  be 
cause  it  is  denied  to  mortals,)  there  shall  be 
some  infallible  rule  by  which  we  could  fore 
judge  events." 

In  another  letter  to  Jefferson,  after  again 
recommending  mutual  forbearance  and  con- 

VOL.   II.  18 


274  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1792. 

dilation,  he  said  ;  "  A  measure  of  this  sort 
would  produce  harmony  and  consequent  good 
in  our  public  councils.  The  contrary  will  in 
evitably  introduce  confusion  and  serious  mis 
chiefs  ;  and  for  what  ?  Because  mankind  can 
not  think  alike,  but  would  adopt  different 
means  to  attain  the  same  ends.  For  I  will 
frankly  and  solemnly  declare,  that  I  believe 
the  views  of  both  of  you  to  be  pure  and  well 
meant,  and  that  experience  only  will  decide, 
with  respect  to  the  salutariness  of  the  meas 
ures,  which  are  the  subjects  of  dispute.  Why, 
then,  when  some  of  the  best  citizens  in  the 
United  States,  men  of  discernment,  uniform 
and  tried  patriots,  who  have  no  sinister  views 
to  promote,  but  are  chaste  in  their  ways  of 
thinking  and  acting,  are  to  be  found,  some  on 
one  side  and  some  on  the  other  of  the  ques 
tions,  which  have  caused  these  agitations, 
should  either  of  you  be  so  tenacious  of  your 
opinions,  as  to  make  no  allowances  for  those 
of  the  other  ?  I  could,  and  indeed  was  about 
to  add  more  on  this  interesting  subject,  but  will 
forbear,  at  least  for  the  present,  after  expressing 
a  wish,  that  the  cup,  which  has  been  presented 
to  us,  may  not  be  snatched  from  our  lips  by  a 
discordance  of  action,  when  I  am  persuaded 
there  is  no  discordance  in  your  views.  I  have 
a  great,  a  sincere  esteem  and  regard  for  you 


^Er.  60.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  275 

both,  and  ardently  wish  that  some  line  may 
be  marked  out  by  which  both  of  you  could 
walk." 

Unhappily  this  line  was  never  found.  The 
two  secretaries  continued  to  diverge  from  each 
other,  both  in  their  political  course  and  their 
private  feelings,  till  their  differences  settled 
into  a  personal  enmity,  which  neither  the  ad 
vice  of  friends  could  modify,  nor  time  eradi 
cate.  This  was  the  more  lamented  by  Wash 
ington,  as,  according  to  his  own  declaration 
and  the  whole  tenor  of  his  intercourse,  he  had 
a  sincere  attachment  to  both  of  them  and  con 
fidence  in  their  patriotic  intentions,  and  as  he 
foresaw  the  fatal  consequences,  which  might 
result  from  a  heated  strife  between  men  whose 
talents  and  political  consideration  gave  them 
so  commanding  an  influence  over  the  public 
will. 


276  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1792. 


CHAPTER   XXXVII. 


Washington  is  elected  President  for  a  Second  Term.  —  Takes 
the  Oath  of  Office.  —  Relations  between  the  United  States  and 
France.  —  Opinions  of  the  Cabinet.  —  Proclamation  of  Neu 
trality. —  Party  Divisions  and  Excitements.  —  Genet  received 
as  Minister  from  France.  —  His  extraordinary  Conduct.  — 
Meeting  of  Congress.  —  The  President  recommends  Measures 
of  Defence.  —  Commercial  Affairs.  —  Mr.  Madison's  Commer 
cial  Resolutions.  —  Mr.  Jay  appointed  Envoy  Extraordinary  to 
negotiate  a  Treaty  with  England.  —  Military  Preparations. 


WHEN  the  President's  term  of  office,  as  pre 
scribed  by  the  Constitution,  was  drawing  to  a 
close,  no  little  anxiety  was  felt  and  expressed, 
as  to  his  willingness  again  to  receive  the  suf 
frages  of  the  people.  The  reluctance  with 
which  he  had  consented  to  the  first  election 
was  so  great,  that  it  was  feared  he  could  not 
be  prevailed  upon  to  remain  longer  in  public 
life.  From  his  friends  in  different  parts  of 
the  country  he  received  early  communications 
on  the  subject,  urging  him  not  to  decide  hasti 
ly,  and,  if  possible,  to  reconcile  himself  to  a 
second  election.  Three  members  of  the  cab 
inet,  Jefferson,  Hamilton,  and  Randolph,  each 
wrote  to  him  a  long  letter,  containing  reasons 
why  it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  to  his 
own  reputation  and  to  the  public  interests, 


J£T.  60.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  277 

that,  for  the  present  at  least,  he  should  not 
retire. 

Each  of  these  gentlemen  drew  a  picture  of 
the  condition  of  the  country,  its  future  pros 
pects,  and  the  state  of  parties  ;  and,  although 
they  differed  radically  concerning  some  of  the 
principal  measures  of  the  administration,  they 
agreed  in  opinion,  that  the  character,  influence, 
and  steady  hand  of  Washington  were  neces 
sary  to  secure  the  stability  of  government,  if 
not  to  preserve  the  nation  from  anarchy. 

These  sentiments,  uttered  by  his  confiden 
tial  advisers,  whose  political  opinions  he  knew 
were  at  variance  with  each  other,  could  not 
fail  to  make  a  deep  impression,  and  the  more 
so  as  they  were  reiterated  from  every  quar 
ter.  He  seems  to  have  resolved  at  one  time 
to  follow  his  inclination,  and  retire  at  the 
end  of  his  first  term  of  service.  This  is  evi 
dent  from  his  having  prepared  a  farewell,  ad 
dress  to  the  people,  designed  for  the  occasion 
of  his  taking  leave  of  them.  But  he  never 
made  a  public  declaration  to  that  effect,  and 
he  was  finally  chosen  for  a  second  period  of 
four  years  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  elec 
tors.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1793,  he  took  the 
oath  of  office  in  the  senate-chamber,  in  pres 
ence  of  the  members  of  the  cabinet,  various 


278  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1793. 

public  officers,  foreign  ministers,  and  such 
other  persons  as  could  be  accommodated. 

In  addition  to  the  Indian  war,  the  contests 
of  parties,  and  other  internal  troubles  with 
which  the  administration  was  embarrassed, 
the  foreign  relations  of  the  United  States  were 
every  day  becoming  peculiarly  delicate  and 
inauspicious.  Scarcely  had  the  President  en 
tered  upon  his  new  term  of  office,  when  the 
intelligence  was  received,  that  France  had 
declared  war  against  England  and  Holland. 
The  French  revolution,  in  its  earliest  stages, 
was  hailed  by  almost  every  one  in  the  United 
States  as  a  joyful  event,  and  as  affording  a 
presage  of  the  happiest  results  to  the  cause  of 
freedom  and  the  welfare  of  mankind.  Such 
would  naturally  be  the  first  impulse  of  a 
people,  who  had  recently  been  engaged  in  a 
similar  struggle,  encouraged  by  the  good  wish 
es  and  strengthened  by  the  assistance  of  the 
French  nation.  Washington  partook  of  this 
general  sentiment. 

The  sanguinary  acts  that  followed,  and  the 
ferocious  temper  shown  by  the  leaders,  left 
but  little  ground  for  hope ;  yet  there  were 
causes  still,  which  induced  many  to  cling  to 
the  interests  of  France,  and  approve  the  revo 
lution,  although  they  looked  with  horror  upon 
the  means  employed  to  carry  it  forward.  It 


JE.T.  61.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  279 

was  believed  to  be  a  warfare  of  the  oppressed 
against  their  oppressors,  in  which  justice  was 
asserting  her  rights,  and  rescuing  from  thral 
dom  the  victims,  who  had  been  so  long  borne 
down  by  the  yoke  of  bondage,  and  scourged 
by  the  rod  of  despotism.  A  new  era  was  sup 
posed  to  have  arisen,  when  liberty  was  about 
to  go  forth  successful  in  conquest,  breaking 
down  the  strong-holds  of  tyranny,  and  build 
ing  up  her  temples  of  peace  and  concord  on 
their  ruins.  Ardent  minds  were  easily  cap 
tivated  by  this  illusion,  especially  when  it 
harmonized  with  their  opinions  on  other  sub 
jects.  Their  impressions  also  derived  force 
from  the  prejudices  against  England,  deeply 
rooted  and  of  long  standing,  which  the  con 
duct  of  the  British  cabinet  since  the  peace  had 
not  contributed  to  remove. 

Gouverneur  Morris  had  been  sent  to  France 
as  minister  plenipotentiary  from  the  United 
States.  A  friendly  intercourse  had  been  kept 
up  between  the  two  countries,  on  the  basis  of 
the  treaties  of  alliance  and  commerce  ;  but. 
after  the  downfall  of  the  King,  and  amidst  the 
distractions  succeeding  that  event,  the  minis 
ter's  situation  was  embarrassing.  It  was  the 
opinion  of  Washington,  in  which  his  cabinet 
agreed  with  him,  that  every  nation  had  a  right 
to  govern  itself  as  it  chose,  and  that  other 


280  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1793. 

nations  were  bound  to  recognise  and  respect 
the  existing  authority,  whatever  form  it  might 
assume.  Mr.  Morris  was  furnished  with  in 
structions  according  to  this  view  of  the  sub 
ject.  But  the  difficulty  for  a  time  consisted 
in  ascertaining  whether  there  was  any  actual 
government  resting  on  the  will  of  the  nation. 
His  prudence  in  this  respect,  and  his  caution 
not  to  commit  his  country  rashly,  gave  um 
brage  to  the  nominal  rulers,  or  rather  the  lead 
ers  of  the  contending  factions,  who  complain 
ed,  and  expressed  dissatisfaction,  that  the  Unit 
ed  States  manifested  so  little  sympathy  with 
their  earliest  friends  and  allies,  the  vindicators 
of  liberty  and  the  rights  of  man.  Such  was 
the  state  of  things  when  war  was  declared 
against  England. 

It  was  perceived,  that  this  aspect  of  affairs 
would  have  a  direct  influence  on  the  foreign 
relations  of  the  United  States,  and  that  it 
would  require  the  greatest  circumspection  to 
prevent  the  country  from  being  embroiled 
with  the  belligerent  powers,  particularly  Eng 
land  and  France.  When  the  President  first 
heard  the  news  of  the  declaration  of  war,  he 
was  at  Mount  Vernon  ;  and  he  wrote  imme 
diately  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  avowing  his 
determination  to  maintain  a  strict  neutrality 
between  the  hostile  parties.  Vessels  in  the 


MT.  61.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  281 

ports  of  the  United  States  were  understood  to 
be  already  designated  as  privateers,  and  he 
desired  that  measures  to  put  a  stop  to  all  such 
proceedings  should  be  adopted  without  delay. 

On  his  return  to  Philadelphia,  he  summoned 
a  meeting  of  the  cabinet,  submitting  to  each 
member  at  the  same  time  a  series  of  questions, 
which  he  requested  might  be  considered  as 
preparatory  to  the  meeting.  The  substance 
of  these  questions  was,  whether  a  proclama 
tion  of  neutrality  should  be  issued  ;  whether 
a  minister  from  the  French  republic  should 
be  received,  and,  if  so,  whether  it  should  be 
absolutely  or  with  qualifications  ;  whether,  in 
the  present  condition  of  France,  the  United 
States  were  bound  by  good  faith  to  execute 
the  treaties  between  the  two  nations,  or  wheth 
er  these  ought  to  be  suspended  till  the  gov 
ernment  should  be  established  ;  and  whether 
the  guarantee  in  the  treaty  of  alliance  was 
applicable  to  a  defensive  war  only,  or  to  a  war 
either  defensive  or  offensive.  These  points 
involved  very  important  considerations.  If 
the  treaty  was  binding  in  the  case  of  an  offen 
sive  war,  then  a  state  of  neutrality  could  not 
be  assumed  in  regard  to  France  :  and,  if  it 
was  applicable  to  a  defensive  war  only,  the 
intricate  question  was  still  to  be  settled, 
whether  the  war  on  the  part  of  the  French 


282  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1793. 

was  offensive  or  defensive,  or  of  a  mixed  and 
equivocal  character,  and  how  far  the  guarantee 
ought  to  be  applied  under  such  circumstances. 

The  cabinet  decided  unanimously,  that  a 
proclamation  should  be  issued,  "  forbidding 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  take  part 
in  any  hostilities  on  the  seas,  either  with  or 
against  the  belligerent  powers,  and  warning 
them  against  carrying  to  any  such  powers  any 
of  those  articles  deemed  contraband  according 
to  the  modern  usages  of  nations,  and  enjoin 
ing  them  from  all  acts  and  proceedings  incon 
sistent  with  the  duties  of  a  friendly  nation 
towards  those  at  war."  It  was  also  agreed, 
with  the  same  unanimity,  that  a  minister  from 
the  French  republic  should  be  received.  On 
the  subject  of  qualifying  his  reception,  the 
members  of  the  cabinet  were  divided  in  opin 
ion,  Jefferson  and  Randolph  being  opposed  to 
any  qualification  implying  that  the  relations 
between  the  two  countries  were  changed,  and 
Hamilton  and  Knox  being  in  favor  of  it,  be 
cause  they  believed  there  was  in  reality  no 
fixed  government  in  France,  and  they  feared 
that  a  recognition  of  the  existing  authority 
might  involve  the  United  States  in  difficulties 
with  that  nation  and  with  other  powers. 

As  to  the  question  of  guarantee,  the  two 
former  thought  it  not  necessary  to  come  to 


MT.  61.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  283 

any  formal  decision,  while  the  two  latter  ar 
gued  that  the  treaty  of  alliance  was  plainly 
defensive,  and  that  the  guarantee  could  not 
apply  to  a  war,  which  had  been  begun  by 
France.  The  President  required  the  opinions 
and  arguments  of  each  member  of  the  cabinet 
in  writing  ;  and,  after  deliberately  weighing 
them,  he  decided,  that  a  minister  should  be 
received  on  the  same  terms  as  formerly,  and 
that  the  obligations  of  the  treaties  ought  to  re 
main  in  full  force,  leaving  the  subject  of  guar 
antee  for  future  consideration,  aided  by  a  better 
knowledge  of  the  condition  and  prospects  of 
France. 

The  proclamation  of  neutrality  was  signed 
on  the  22d  of  April,  and  immediately  publish 
ed.  This  measure,  in  regard  both  to  its  char 
acter  and  its  consequences,  was  one  of  the  most 
important  of  Washington's  administration.  It 
was  the  basis  of  a  system,  by  which  the  inter 
course  with  foreign  nations  was  regulated,  and 
which  was  rigidly  adhered  to.  In  fact  it  was 
the  only  step,  that  could  have  saved  the  United 
States  from  being  drawn  into  the  vortex  of  the 
European  wars,  which  raged  with  so  much  vi 
olence  for  a  long  time  afterwards.  Its  wisdom 
and  its  good  effects  are  now  so  obvious,  on  a 
calm  review  of  past  events,  that  one  is  aston 
ished  at  the  opposition  it  met  with,  and  the 


284  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1793. 

strifes  it  enkindled,  even  after  making  due  al 
lowance  for  the  passions  and  prejudices,  which 
had  hitherto  been  at  work  in  producing  discord 
and  divisions.  -  • 

Washington  for  a  time  was  allowed  to  keep 
aloof  from  the  contest.  His  character,  revered 
by  the  people,  shielded  by  their  affections,  and 
equally  above  reproach  and  suspicion,  was  too 
elevated  a  mark  for  the  shafts  of  malevolence. 
But  a  crisis  had  now  arrived,  when  the  sacred- 
ness  of  virtue,  and  the  services  of  a  life  spent 
in  promoting  the  public  weal,  could  no  longer 
secure  him  from  the  assaults  of  party  animosi 
ty.  The  enemies  of  the  administration  per 
ceived,  that  the  attempt  to  execute  their  plans 
would  be  vain,  unless  they  could  first  weaken 
his  influence  by  diminishing  his  popularity. 
The  task  was  hard  and  repelling ;  and  it  may 
reasonably  be  presumed,  that  a  supposed  polit 
ical  necessity,  rather  that  cordial  good  will,  led 
them  to  engage  in  so  ungrateful  a  work.  It 
was  pursued  with  a  perseverance,  and  some 
times  with  an  acrimony,  for  which  the  best  of 
causes  could  hardly  afford  an  apology  ;  but, 
however  much  it  might  disturb  his  repose  or 
embarrass  his  public  measures,  it  could  neither 
shake  his  firmness,  nor  turn  him  from  his 
steady  purpose  of  sacrificing  every  other  con 
sideration  to  the  interests  of  his  country. 


jEr.61.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  285 

In  the  midst  of  these  ferments,  M.  Genet 
came  to  the  United  States  as  minister  from  the 
French  republic.  He  landed  at  Charleston,  in 
South  Carolina,  and  travelled  thence  through 
the  country  to  Philadelphia.  He  was  received 
everywhere  with  such  enthusiasm  and  extrav 
agant  marks  of  attention,  as  to  deceive  him  in 
to  a  belief,  that  the  great  body  of  the  Ameri 
can  people  heartily  espoused  the  cause  of  the 
French  revolution,  and  was  ready  to  join  the 
citizens  of  the  new  republic  in  carrying  the 
banner  of  liberty  and  equality  to  the  ends  of 
the  earth.  Being  of  an  ardent  temperament, 
and  emboldened  by  these  indications,  the  citi 
zen  minister,  as  he  was  called,  at  once  com 
menced  a  career,  as  unjustifiable  as  it  was  ex 
traordinary.  Even  before  he  left  Charleston 
he  gave  orders  for  fitting  out  and  arming  ves 
sels  in  that  port  to  cruise  as  privateers,  and 
commit  hostilities  on  the  commerce  of  nations 
at  peace  with  the  United  States.  Notwith 
standing  this  act  of  presumption  and  rashness, 
which  was  known  before  he  reached  Philadel 
phia,  he  was  received  by  the  President  with 
frankness,  and  with  all  the  respect  due  to  the 
representative  of  a  foreign  power. 

Genet  declared,  that  his  government  was 
strongly  attached  to  the  United  States,  and 
had  no  desire  to  engage  them  in  the  war ;  but 


286  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1793. 

his  secret  instructions,  which  he  afterwards 
published,  were  of  a  different  complexion,  and 
proved  very  clearly,  that  the  designs  of  his 
employers  were  contrary  to  the  professions  of 
their  minister.  Indeed  his  whole  conduct, 
from  beginning  to  end,  could  have  no  other 
tendency,  than  to  bring  the  United  States  into 
an  immediate  conflict  with  all  the  powers  at 
war  with  France.  The  privateers  commis 
sioned  by  him  came  into  the  American  ports 
with  prizes.  This  produced  remonstrances 
from  the  British  minister,  and  a  demand  of 
restitution.  The  subject  accordingly  came 
before  the  cabinet.  In  regard  to  the  lawful 
ness  of  the  seizures,  there  was  but  one  opinion. 
It  was  decided,  that,  since  every  nation  had 
exclusive  jurisdiction  within  its  own  territory, 
the  act  of  fitting  out  armed  vessels  under  the 
authority  of  a  foreign  power  was  an  encroach 
ment  on  national  sovereignty,  and  a  violation 
of  neutral  rights,  which  the  government  was 
bound  to  prevent. 

A  declaration  was  accordingly  made,  that 
no  privateers,  fitted  out  in  this  manner,  should 
find  an  asylum  in  the  ports  of  the  United 
States  ;  and  the  customhouse  officers  were  in 
structed  to  keep  a  careful  watch,  and  report 
every  vessel  which  contravened  the  laws  of 
neutrality.  The  question  of  restitution  involv- 


JEx.  61.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  287 

ed  intricate  points  of  maritime  law,  and  opin 
ions  on  this  subject  varied.  It  was  unanimous 
ly  agreed,  however,  that  the  original  owners 
might  justly  claim  indemnification,  and  that, 
if  the  property  was  not  restored  by  the  captors, 
the  value  of  it  ought  to  be  paid  by  the  govern 
ment. 

The  French  minister  protested  against  these 
decisions,  became  angry  and  violent,  wrote  of 
fensive  letters  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  and 
seemed  to  forget  alike  the  dignity  of  his  sta 
tion  and  his  character  as  a  man.  He  still  con 
tinued  to  encourage  armed  vessels  to  sail  from 
American  ports  under  the  French  flag.  By 
the  firmness  of  the  executive  a  check  was  put 
to  this  effrontery.  Measures  were  taken  to 
prevent  by  force  the  departure  of  such  vessels. 
The  madness  of  the  minister  was  increased  by 
the  obstacles  he  encountered.  Finding  him 
self  baffled  in  all  his  schemes,  he  resorted  to 
menaces,  accused  the  President  of  having 
usurped  the  powers  of  Congress,  and  more 
than  insinuated  that  he  would  appeal  to  the 
people  for  redress.  This  insult,  aggravated  by 
his  previous  conduct,  could  neither  be  tolerated 
nor  passed  over  in  silence.  It  was  obvious, 
indeed,  that  nothing  could  be  hoped  from  any 
further  intercourse  with  so  wrongheaded  a  man. 
A  statement  of  the  particulars  was  drawn  up, 


288  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1793. 

and  forwarded  to  the  French  government,  with 
a  request  that  he  might  be  recalled.  A  more 
remarkable  chapter  can  hardly  be  found  in  the 
history  of  diplomacy,  than  might  be  furnished 
from  the  records  of  this  mission  of  Genet.  It 
is  a  memorable  instance  of  the  infatuation  to 
which  a  man  of  respectable  talents  and  private 
character  may  be  driven  by  political  frenzy. 

When  Congress  assembled,  the  state  of  af 
fairs,  both  external  and  internal,  was  largely 
explained  in  the  President's  speech,  and  in  a 
separate  message  accompanied  with  many  doc 
uments.  In  these  were  comprised  the  reasons 
for  the  course  he  had  pursued,  respecting  for 
eign  powers,  and  suggestions  for  additional 
legislative  enactments  to  protect  the  rights  of 
American  citizens,  and  maintain  the  digni 
ty  of  the  country.  While  he  sought  peace, 
and  urged  a  faithful  discharge  of  every  duty 
towards  others,  he  recommended,  that  prompt 
measures  should  be  taken,  not  only  for  defence, 
but  for  enforcing  just  claims.  "  There  is  a 
rank  due  to  the  United  States  among  nations," 
said  he,  "  which  will  be  withheld,  if  not  abso 
lutely  lost,  by  the  reputation  of  weakness.  If 
we  desire  to  avoid  insult,  we  must  be  able  to 
repel  it ;  if  we  desire  to  secure  peace,  one  of 
the  most  powerful  instruments  of  our  prosperi 
ty,  it  must  be  known,  that  we  are  at  all  times 


&i.  61.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  289 

ready  for  war/'  These  communications  were 
well  received  by  the  two  houses.  Indeed 
both  parties  in  Congress  found  so  much  to 
condemn  in  the  conduct  of  the  belligerent 
powers  towards  neutrals,  that  on  this  point 
they  seemed  for  a  moment  to  forget  their  dis 
sensions  ;  and,  although  the  proclamation  of 
neutrality  continued  to  be  made  a  theme  of 
declamation  and  abuse  by  violent  partisans 
and  the  presses  hostile  to  the  administration, 
it  met  with  no  marks  of  disapprobation  from 
Congress. 

Near  the  beginning  of  the  session  an  impor 
tant  report  was  made  by  the  Secretary  of 
State,  respecting  the  commercial  intercourse 
of  the  United  States  with  other  nations,  par 
ticularly  in  regard  to  its  privileges  and  restric 
tions,  and  the  means  for  improving  commerce 
and  navigation.  The  report  was  able,  elab 
orate,  and  comprehensive,  presenting  a  view 
of  the  trade  between  the  United  States  and 
the  principal  countries  of  Europe. 

Two  methods  were  suggested  by  the  sec 
retary  for  modifying  or  removing  restrictions ; 
first,  by  amicable  arrangements  with  foreign 
powers  ;  secondly,  by  countervailing  acts  of 
the  legislature.  He  preferred  the  former,  if 
it  should  be  found  practicable,  and  gave  his 
reasons.  The  subject  of  navigation  was  also 

VOL.  n.  19 


290  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1794. 

discussed,  and  a  system  of  maritime  defence 
recommended. 

Shortly  after  making  this  report,  Mr.  Jeffer 
son  retired  from  the  office  of  Secretary  of 
State,  in  conformity  with  an  intimation  he 
had  given  some  months  before  j  having  been 
prevailed  upon  by  the  President,  apparently 
against  his  own  inclination,  to  remain  till  the 
end  of  the  year.  He  was  succeeded  by  Ed 
mund  Randolph,  whose  place  as  Attorney- 
General  was  supplied  by  William  Bradford  of 
Pennsylvania. 

The  secretary's  report  gave  rise  to  Mr.  Mad 
ison's  celebrated  commercial  resolutions,  which 
were  long  debated  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  with  a  degree  of  animation,  and 
even  of  asperity,  that  had  not  been  exceeded 
since  the  adoption  of  the  funding  system. 
These  resolutions  embraced  the  general  prin 
ciples  of  the  report,  but  they  aimed  at  a  dis 
crimination  in  the  commercial  intercourse  with 
foreign  countries,  which  was  viewed  in  very 
different  lights  by  the  two  parties  in  Congress. 
They  imposed  restrictions  and  additional  du 
ties  on  the  manufactures  and  navigation  of 
nations,  which  had  no  commercial  treaties 
with  the  United  States,  and  a  reduction  of 
duties  on  the  tonnage  of  vessels  belonging  to 
nations  with  which  such  treaties  existed.  In 


^T.  62.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  291 

this  scheme  the  friends  of  the  administration 
saw,  or  imagined  they  saw,  hostility  to  Eng 
land  and  undue  favor  to  France,  neither  war 
ranted  by  policy,  nor  consistent  with  neutral 
ity  ;  while  the  other  party  regarded  it  as 
equitable  in  itself,  and  as  absolutely  necessary 
to  protect  the  commerce  of  the  country  from 
insulting  aggression  and  plunder.  Mr.  Madi 
son's  plan  was  modified  in  its  progress  ;  but  a 
resolution,  retaining  the  principle  of  commer 
cial  restrictions,  finally  passed  the  House  of 
Representatives.  It  was  rejected  in  the  Sen 
ate  by  the  casting  vote  of  the  Vice-President. 
While  these  discussions  were  going  on  with 
much  heat  in  Congress,  a  measure  was  resort 
ed  to  by  the  President,  which  produced  con 
siderable  effect  on  the  results.  Advices  from 
the  American  minister  in  London  rendered  it 
probable,  that  the  British  cabinet  were  dis 
posed  to  settle  the  differences  between  the 
two  countries  on  amicable  terms.  At  all 
events  the  indications  were  such,  that  Wash 
ington,  firm  to  his  purpose  of  neutrality  and 
peace,  resolved  to  make  the  experiment.  Ac 
cordingly,  on  the  16th  of  April,  he  nominated 
Mr.  Jay  to  the  Senate,  as  an  envoy  extraordi 
nary  to  the  court  of  Great  Britain.  "  My 
objects  are,"  said  he,  in  a  letter  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  State,  "  to  prevent  a  war,  if  justice 


292  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1794. 

can  be  obtained  by  fair  and  strong  representa 
tions  of  the  injuries,  which  this  country  has 
sustained  from  Great  Britain  in  various  ways, 
to  put  it  in  a  complete  state  of  military  de 
fence,  and  to  provide  eventually  for  the  exe 
cution  of  such  measures  as  seem  to  be  now 
pending  in  Congress,  if  negotiation  in  a  rea 
sonable  time  proves  unsuccessful."  The  nom 
ination  was  confirmed  in  the  Senate  by  a 
majority  of  more  than  two  to  one  ;  but  it  was 
strenuously  opposed  by  the  principal  members 
of  the  democratic  party,  particularly  Mr.  Mon 
roe,  and  was  disapproved  by  the  same  party  in 
the  House  of  Representatives. 

As  a  war  seemed  inevitable,  if  Mr.  Jay's 
mission  should  terminate  unfavorably,  Con 
gress  passed  acts  for  putting  the  country  in  a 
state  of  defence.  The  principal  harbors  were 
to  be  fortified,  and  eighty  thousand  militia  to 
be  held  in  readiness  for  immediate  service. 
The  importation  of  arms  was  permitted  free 
of  duty,  and  the  President  .was  authorized  to 
purchase  galleys,  and  lay  an  embargo,  if  he 
should  think  the  public  interest  required  it. 
Additional  taxes  were  levied  to  meet  the  ex 
pense. 

Congress  adjourned,  after  a  long  and  bois 
terous  session,  which  had  contributed  not  a 
little  to  increase  the  acrimony  of  parties,  mul- 


jEx.62.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  293 

tiply  the  causes  of  dissension,  and  inflame  the 
minds  of  the  people.  The  administration, 
however,  stood  firm  ;  and  neither  the  policy 
nor  the  opinions  of  Washington  were  in  any 
degree  changed.  In  fact,  having  no  personal 
objects  to  gain,  thinking  and  acting  only  for 
his  country,  divested  of  partiality  and  preju 
dice  as  far  as  it  was  possible  for  any  man  to 
be,  and  invariably  taking  counsel  of  his  con 
science  and  judgment,  he  stood  aloof  from 
the  commotions  of  party  and  the  contagious 
influence  of  party  spirit.  Justice  to  all  na 
tions,  peace  with  all,  and  a  preparation  for  war 
as  the  best  safeguard  of  peace,  were  the  rules 
of  his  policy,  and  his  constant  aim. 


294  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1794. 


CHAPTER   XXXVIII. 


Insurrection  in  Pennsylvania.  —  Measures  adopted  by  the  Presi 
dent  for  suppressing  it.  —  Plan  for  redeeming  the  Public  Debt. 
—  The  British  Treaty  ratified  by  the  Senate.  —  Popular  Ex 
citement  respecting  it.  —  The  Treaty  confirmed  by  the  Signa 
ture  of  the  President.  —  Resignation  of  Mr.  Randolph.  —  Cir 
cumstances  attending  it. 


IN  the  course  of  the  preceding  winter,  M. 
Fauchet  arrived  in  the  United  States  as  min 
ister  from  France.  At  the  request  of  the 
French  government,  Mr.  Morris  was  recalled, 
and  James  Monroe  was  appointed  as  his  suc 
cessor.  This  selection  afforded  a  strong  proof 
of  the  impartiality  of  the  President,  and  of 
his  ardent  desire  to  conciliate  differences  at 
home,  and  preserve  amity  with  foreign  nations. 
Mr.  Monroe,  being  a  leader  among  the  oppo 
nents  to  the  administration,  had  shown  him 
self  a  zealous  advocate  for  France.  • 

Soon  after  Congress  adjourned,  the  Presi 
dent's  attention  was  called  to  another  subject, 
of  very  serious  import,  both  as  it  regarded 
the  authority  of  the  laws,  and  the  stability  of 
the  union.  The  act  of  Congress  imposing  a 
tax  on  distilled  spirits  had,  from  its  first  oper 
ation,  excited  much  uneasiness  in  various  parts 


^T.62.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  295 

of  the  country,  and  in  some  districts  it  had 
been  evaded  and  openly  resisted.  The  in 
spectors  of  the  revenue  appointed  by  the  gov 
ernment  were  insulted,  threatened,  and  even 
prevented  by  force  from  discharging  their  du 
ty.  To  so  great  a  length  had  these  outrages 
gone  in  some  places,  as  early  as  September, 
1792,  that  a  proclamation  was  published  by 
the  President,  admonishing  all  persons  to  re 
frain  from  combinations  and  proceedings,  which 
obstructed  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  re 
quiring  the  magistrates  and  courts  to  exert  the 
powers  vested  in  them  for  bringing  to  justice 
the  offenders.  Bills  of  indictment  were  found 
against  some  of  these  persons,  and  the  marshal 
attempted  to  serve  the  processes  issued  by  the 
court.  He  was  met  by  a  body  of  armed  men, 
seized,  detained,  and  harshly  treated.  The 
malecontents  proceeded  from  one  degree  of 
excess  to  another,  holding  seditious  meetings, 
arming  themselves,  abusing  the  officers  of  the 
government,  and  bidding  defiance  to  the  laws, 
till  they  assumed  the  attitude  of  insurrection, 
and  prepared  for  an  organized  resistance. 

The  moderation  and  forbearance,  which, 
according  to  his  usual  practice,  the  President 
had  exercised  towards  these  deluded  people 
for  more  than  two  years,  served  only  to  in 
crease  their  violence,  and  encourage  their  de- 


296  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1794. 

termined  spirit  of  hostility.  He  could  no 
longer  hesitate,  as  to  the  course  he  ought  to 
pursue.  He  resolved  to  employ  the  means 
intrusted  to  him  by  the  laws,  and  suppress 
the  insurrection  by  a  military  force.  As  a 
preparatory  step,  he  issued  a  proclamation, 
dated  on  the  7th  of  August,  in  which,  after 
briefly  narrating  the  criminal  transactions  of 
the  insurgents,  and  what  had  been  done  by 
the  government  to  allay  their  discontents  and 
turn  them  from  their  treasonable  practices,  he 
declared  his  determination  to  execute  the  laws 
by  calling  the  militia  to  his  aid,  and  com 
manded  the  insurgents  and  all  persons  con 
cerned  in  abetting  their  acts  to  disperse  and 
retire  peaceably  to  their  abodes  before  the  first 
day  of  September. 

Having  sent  out  this  proclamation,  as  a 
preliminary  measure  exacted  by  the  laws,  he 
next  made  a  requisition  for  militia  on  the  gov 
ernors  of  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Mary 
land,  and  Virginia.  The  insurgents  chiefly 
resided  in  the  western  counties  of  Pennsylva 
nia.  It  was  supposed  there  were  among  them 
about  sixteen  thousand  men  capable  of  bear 
ing  arms,  and  that  they  could  bring  at  least 
seven  thousand  into  active  service.  The  num 
ber  of  militia  at  first  ordered  out  was  twelve 
thousand,  and  it  was  subsequently  increased 


^Er.62.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  297 

to  fifteen  thousand.  The  Governors  of  Penn 
sylvania  and  New  Jersey  took  the  field  at  the 
head  of  the  troops  from  their  respective  States, 
and  the  command  of  the  whole  was  conferred 
on  Governor  Lee  of  Virginia.  The  place  of 
rendezvous  for  the  Pennsylvania  and  New 
Jersey  troops  was  Bedford.  Those  from  Vir 
ginia  and  Maryland  assembled  at  Cumberland, 
the  site  of  Old  Fort  Cumberland,  at  the  junc 
tion  of  Will's  Creek  with  the  Potomac  River. 
From  every  quarter  the  militia  came  forward 
with  alacrity,  and  the  best  disposition  was 
shown  by  officers  and  privates  to  execute  the 
orders  of  the  government. 

The  President,  accompanied  by  the  Secre 
tary  of  War,  inspected  the  army  at  the  two 
places  of  rendezvous.  He  went,  by  way  of 
Harrisburg  and  Carlisle,  first  to  Cumberland, 
and  thence  to  Bedford,  these  places  being 
about  thirty  miles  apart.  He  gave  directions 
for  each  division  to  march  across  the  Allegany 
Mountains,  meet  on  the  other  side,  and  act 
against  the  insurgents  as  circumstances  should 
require.  Ascertaining  from  personal  examina 
tion  that  every  thing  was  in  readiness,  and 
leaving  written  instructions  with  General  Lee, 
he  returned  to  Philadelphia.  Congress  was 
soon  to  meet,  and  it  was  important  for  him  to 


298  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1794. 

be  there  at  that  time.  He  was  absent  four 
weeks. 

When  he  left  home  he  intended  to  cross 
the  mountains  and  lead  the  army  in  person, 
if  this  should  seem  expedient  ;  but  the  intelli 
gence  he  received  on  the  way,  and  the  spirit 
which  animated  the  troops,  convinced  him 
that  the  insurgents  would  make  no  formidable 
resistance  to  such  a  force,  and  that  his  further 
attendance  on  the  expedition  was  not  neces 
sary.  The  Secretary  of  War  went  on  with 
the  army  to  Pittsburg.  The  result  was  even 
more  fortunate  than  could  have  been  expect 
ed.  No  resistance  was  attempted,  and  no  blood 
was  shed.  To  preserve  quiet,  and  secure  what 
had  been  gained,  a  body  of  troops  continued 
for  some  time  in  the  disaffected  country,  under 
the  command  of  General  Morgan. 

In  the  President's  speech  to  Congress,  after 
mentioning  somewhat  in  detail  the  course  he 
had  taken  to  suppress  the  insurrection,  he 
recommended  further  provisions  for  defence, 
particularly  a  reform  of  the  militia  system, 
and  also  advised  that  some  plan  should  be 
adopted  for  redeeming  the  public  debt,  which 
now  amounted  to  about  seventy-six  millions 
of  dollars.  While  this  last  subject  was  under 
discussion  in  Congress,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  reported  a  scheme,  which  he  had 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  299 


matured  on  the  basis  of  the  laws  previously 
enacted  for  regulating  the  fiscal  operations  of 
the  government.  A  sinking  fund  had  already 
been  established  by  setting  apart  for  that  pur 
pose  a  portion  of  certain  specified  taxes  ;  and 
he  proposed  that  this  fund  should  be  enlarged 
by  increasing  the  duties  on  imports,  tonnage. 
and  distilled  spirits,  by  the  money  accruing 
from  the  sales  of  public  lands,  the  dividends 
on  bank  stock,  and  the  surplus  revenue  re 
maining  after  the  annual  appropriations  had 
been  expended,  and  that  the  fund,  thus  in 
creased,  should  be  applied  to  the  redemption 
of  the  debt.  This  report  occasioned  much 
debate,  but  the  secretary's  plan  was  substan 
tially  approved,  and  an  act  conformable  to  it 
was  passed. 

Before  the  end  of  the  session,  Hamilton  re 
signed  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
The  vacancy  was  filled  by  Oliver  Wolcott, 
who  was  strongly  recommended  by  Hamilton, 
and  whose  character  was  well  known  and 
highly  respected  by  the  President.  General 
Knox  likewise  retired  from  the  war  depart 
ment,  and  was  succeeded  by  Timothy  Pick 
ering,  at  that  time  Postmaster-general,  whose 
services  in  the  Revolution  had  qualified  him 
in  an  eminent  degree  for  executing  the  duties 
of  Secretary  of  War. 


300  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1795. 

The  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  negotiated 
by  Mr.  Jay,  arrived  at  the  seat  of  government 
in  March,  shortly  after  the  session  of  Congress 
was  closed.  The  Constitution  had  provided, 
that  all  treaties  should  be  ratified  by  the  Sen 
ate,  and  the  President  summoned  that  body  to 
meet  in  June,  for  the  purpose  of  considering  it. 

In  the  interval,  he  examined  and  studied 
the  treaty  with  the  closest  attention.  It  was 
not  altogether  such  as  he  wished,  perhaps 
not  such  as  he  had  hoped.  Points  were  left 
untouched,  which  he  would  gladly  have  seen 
introduced  and  definitively  settled  ;  others 
were  so  arranged,  that  he  feared  they  would 
not  prove  a  sufficient  guard  against  future 
difficulties  between  the  two  nations.  But  he 
had  perfect  confidence  in  the  ability,  knowl 
edge,  and  patriotism  of  Mr.  Jay.  He  was  con 
vinced,  that  more  favorable  terms  could  not 
be  obtained,  and  that  the  only  alternative  was 
this  treaty  or  none.  Some  valuable  privileges 
were  secured,  nothing  had  been  sacrificed,  the 
national  honor  was  maintained,  and  a  pledge 
of  amity  was  held  out.  If  the  treaty  was 
rejected,  a  war  would  certainly  follow,  the 
calamities  of  which,  in  the  actual  state  of 
Europe,  would  be  incalculable,  and  no  one 
could  predict  when  they  would  end,  or  to 
what  they  would  lead.  Deeply  impressed 


JET.  63.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  301 

with  these  sentiments,  and  believing  peace 
the  greatest  blessing  his  country  could  possess, 
he  resolved,  in  case  the  treaty  should  be  ap 
proved  by  the  Senate,  to  affix  to  it  his  signa 
ture. 

The  Senate  assembled  in  June,  and,  after 
two  weeks'  discussion,  advised  the  ratification. 
One  article,  however,  was  excepted.  By  this 
article  it  was  stipulated,  that  a  direct  trade  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  the  British  West 
India  Islands  should  be  allowed  to  American 
vessels  not  exceeding  the  burden  of  seventy 
tons,  laden  with  the  produce  of  the  States  or 
of  the  Islands ;  but  that  molasses,  sugar,  cof 
fee,  cocoa,  and  cotton  should  not  be  transport 
ed  in  American  vessels,  either  from  the  United 
States  or  the  Islands,  to  any  part  of  the  world. 
As  cotton  was  then  becoming  a  product  of 
much  importance  in  the  southern  States,  and 
had  begun  to  be  exported,  this  restriction  was 
deemed  inadmissible  ;  and  the  ratification  of 
the  Senate  was  to  be  valid  only  on  condition 
that  an  article  should  be  introduced,  cancelling 
the  one  in  which  the  restriction  was  contained. 
Nor  was  there  a  unanimity  even  with  this  lim 
itation.  A  bare  constitutional  majority,  that 
is,  exactly  two  thirds  of  the  members,  voted 
in  favor  of  the  treaty. 

As  this  was  a  novel  case,  the  President  was 


302  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1795. 

somewhat  at  a  loss  to  determine  how  to  dis 
pose  of  it.  Whether  the  act  of  the  Senate 
could  be  regarded  as  a  ratification  of  the 
treaty,  before  this  new  article  should  be  ap 
proved  by  the  British  government,  and  .wheth 
er  his  signature  could  properly  be  affixed  to  it 
previously  to  that  event,  were  questions  which 
he  took  time  to  consider.  A  new  obstacle  was 
thrown  in  the  way  by  intelligence  from  Eu 
rope,  that  the  British  cabinet  had  renewed  the 
order  for  seizing  provisions  in  vessels  bound  to 
French  ports.  As  this  order  might  imply  a 
construction  of  the  treaty,  which  could  never 
be  admitted  in  the  United  States,  it  was  neces 
sary  still  further  to  suspend  his  decision.  View 
ing  the  subject  in  all  its  relations,  however, 
he  inclined  to  the  opinion,  that  it  was  best  to 
ratify  the  treaty  with  the  condition  prescribed 
by  the  Senate,  and  at  the  same  time  to  accom 
pany  it  with  a  memorial  or  remonstrance  to 
the  British  government  against  the  provision 
order. 

Meantime  the  treaty  was  published.  At 
first  an  imperfect  abstract  only  appeared  j  but 
a  complete  copy  was  soon  after  furnished  by  a 
member  of  the  Senate  to  the  editor  of  a  news 
paper.  It  thus  came  clandestinely  before  the 
public,  without  the  authority  of  the  executive, 
and  without  any  of  the  official  documents  and 


jET.  63.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  303 

correspondence,  by  which  the  objects  and  rea 
sons  of  the  negotiators  could  be  explained.  It 
was  dissected,  criticized,  and  condemned,  in  a 
tone  of  passionate  and  violent  declamation, 
which  could  scarcely  have  been  exceeded,  if 
the  instrument  had  reduced  the  United  States 
to  their  former  colonial  dependence  on  Eng 
land.  The  merits  of  the  treaty  were  studi 
ously  kept  out  of  sight,  and  all  its  objection 
able  parts  were  thrust  forward,  exaggerated, 
and  censured  as  disgraceful  and  humiliating  to 
the  nation.  It  was  impossible  that  a  clamor  so 
loud  and  so  universal  should  not  produce  a 
strong  impression  upon  every  class  of  the  com 
munity.  The  friends  of  the  administration 
rallied  in  its  defence,  but  they  used  the  weap 
ons  of  reason  and  argument ;  they  talked  of 
moderation  and  peace,  of  consistency  and  good 
faith.  They  found  few  patient  listeners,  and 
fewer  impartial  judges.  The  torrent  was  nei 
ther  to  be  stemmed,  nor  diverted  from  its 
course.  Public  meetings  were  held  ;  and  res 
olutions  and  addresses  condemning  the  treaty, 
and  designed  to  have  a  popular  effect,  and  to 
intimidate  the  executive,  were  voted,  publish 
ed,  and  widely  circulated  among  the  people. 

The  first  resolves  of  this  sort  proceeded 
from  a  meeting  in  Boston.  They  were  for 
warded  by  an  express  to  the  President,  with  a 


304  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1795. 

letter  from  the  selectmen  of  the  town.  He 
received  them  at  Baltimore,  while  on  his  way 
to  Mount  Vernon.  Ten  days  afterwards,  hav 
ing  carefully  reviewed  the  subject,  arid  ascer 
tained  the  sentiments  of  the  cabinet,  he  an 
swered  the  letter.  It  had  been  his  aim,  he 
said,  in  every  act  of  his  administration,  to  seek 
the  happiness  of  his  fellow  citizens,  to  discard 
personal,  local,  and  partial  considerations,  to 
look  upon  the  United  States  as  one  nation,  and 
to  consult  only  their  substantial  and  permanent 
interests.  "  Without  a  predilection  for  my 
own  judgment,"  he  added,  "  I  have  weighed 
with  attention  every  argument,  which  has  at 
any  time  been  brought  into  view.  But  the 
Constitution  is  the  guide,  which  I  never  can 
abandon.  It  has  assigned  to  the  President  the 
power  of  making  treaties,  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Senate.  It  was  doubtless  sup 
posed,  that  these  two  branches  of  government 
would  combine,  without  passion,  and  with  the 
best  means  of  information,  those  facts  and 
principles,  upon  which  the  success  of  our  for 
eign  relations  will  always  depend ;  that  they 
ought  not  to  substitute  for  their  own  convic 
tion  the  opinions  of  others,  or  to  seek  truth 
through  any  channel  but  that  of  a  temperate 
and  well  informed  investigation.  Under  this 
persuasion,  I  have  resolved  on  the  manner  of 


/Ex.63.1  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  305 

executing  the  duty  before  me.  To  the  high 
responsibility  attached  to  it,  I  freely  submit ; 
and  you.  Gentlemen,  are  at  liberty  to  make 
these  sentiments  known  as  the  grounds  of  my 
procedure.  While  I  feel  the  most  lively  grat 
itude  for  the  many  instances  of  approbation 
from  my  country,  I  can  no  otherwise  deserve 
it,  than  by  obeying  the  dictates  of  my  con 
science."  To  these  sentiments  he  steadily 
adhered,  and  he  answered  many  of  the  ad 
dresses  sent  to  him  in  nearly  the  same  lan 
guage. 

From  the  excitement  that  prevailed,  how 
ever,  and  from  the  resolves  of  meetings  in  all 
parts  of  the  country,  he  soon  perceived,  that  a 
formidable  attempt  was  making  to  stir  up  the 
people,  with  a  view  of  operating  on  the  exec 
utive.  To  defeat  this  purpose,  and  to  put  an 
end  to  the  disorders  hourly  increasing  by  the 
combined  action  of  overheated  zeal,  artifice, 
and  party  spirit,  he  returned  to  Philadelphia, 
summoned  the  cabinet,  and  submitted  the 
proposition  for  immediately  ratifying  the  treaty. 
It  was  approved  by  all  the  members  except  the 
Secretary  of  State,  who.  although  he  had  be 
fore  been  in  favor  of  it,  now  thought  the  step 
premature,  till  the  provision  order  should  be 
revoked,  and  the  war  between  England  and 
France  should  cease.  This  opinion  had  no 

VOL.  ii.  20 


306  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1795. 

effect  on  the  President.  He  signed  the  treaty, 
the  order  was  in  due  time  repealed,  and  the 
ratification,  on  the  terms  advised  by  the  Sen 
ate,  was  reciprocated  by  the  British  govern 
ment. 

It  would  be  impossible,  within  the  limits 
of  the  present  narrative,  to  sketch  even  an 
outline  of  the  transactions  relating  to  this 
treaty.  No  more  can  be  said,  than  that  the 
controversy,  occasioned  by  it,  increased  the  vi 
olence  of  party  discord  to  almost  an  incredible 
extent ;  and  that  even  the  motives  and  charac 
ter  of  Washington  did  not  escape  a  full  meas 
ure  of  the  abuse,  which  was  poured  out  upon 
all,  who  approved  the  acts  of  the  administra 
tion.  Regardless  of  truth  and  decorum,  his 
detractors  assailed  him  with  a  license  and  ma 
lignity,  which  showed  an  utter  despair  of  ac 
complishing  their  ends  by  honorable  means. 
But  however  they  might  excite  his  commise 
ration,  they  could  not  disturb  his  peace  of 
mind.  "  I  have  long  since  resolved,"  said  he, 
writing  to  the  governor  of  Maryland,  "  for  the 
present  time  at  least,  to  let  my  calumniators 
proceed  without  any  notice  being  taken  of 
their  invectives  by  myself,  or  by  any  others 
with  my  participation  or  knowledge.  Their 
views,  I  dare  say,  are  readily  perceived  by  all 
the  enlightened  and  well  disposed  part  of  the 


JEr.  63.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  307 

community  ;  and  by  the  records  of  my  admin 
istration,  and  not  by  the  voice  of  faction,  I 
expect  to  be  acquitted  or  condemned  here 
after." 

In  relation  to  the  treaty,  time  disappointed 
its  enemies,  and  more  than  fulfilled  the  expec 
tations  of  its  friends.  It  saved  the  country 
from  a  war,  improved  its  commerce,  and  served 
in  no  small  degree  to  lay  the  foundation  of  its 
durable  prosperity.  The  great  points,  which 
were  said  to  be  sacrificed  or  neglected,  the  im 
pressment  of  seamen,  neutral  rights,  and  colo 
nial  trade,  have  never  yet  been  settled,  and  are 
never  likely  to  be  settled  satisfactorily,  while 
England  maintains  the  ascendency  she  now 
holds  on  the  ocean. 

The  day  following  that  on  which  the  Presi 
dent  affixed  his  name  to  the  treaty,  Mr.  Ran 
dolph  resigned  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State. 
The  circumstances  are  these.  While  Wash 
ington  was  at  Mount  Vernon,  the  British  min 
ister,  Mr.  Hammond,  put  into  the  hands  of 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  a  letter  from 
M.  Fauchet  to  the  French  government,  which 
had  been  intercepted  at  sea,  whence  it  found 
its  way  to  the  British  cabinet,  and  was  for 
warded  to  Mr.  Hammond.  The  letter  was 
translated  by  Mr.  Pickering,  and  shown  to  the 
President  when  he  arrived  in  Philadelphia.  Its 


308  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1795. 

contents  were  such,  as  to  excite  suspicions  of 
Mr.  Randolph's  conduct.  It  appeared  that  his 
political  relations  with  the  French  minister 
had  been  more  intimate  and  confidential,  than 
was  compatible  with  the  office  he  held  in  the 
administration.  At  all  events,  it  seemed  a  fair 
inference  from  the  language  of  the  letter,  that 
M.  Fauchet  valued  his  services  as  having  been 
useful  to  the  French  interests,  and  calculated 
on  them  for  the  future. 

In  the  presence  of  the  other  members  of  the 
cabinet,  the  President  handed  this  letter  to 
Mr.  Randolph  and  asked  an  explanation.  He 
had  not  before  heard  of  it ;  and,  although  he 
read  it  without  emotion,  he  expressed  much 
displeasure  at  the  President's  manner  of  bring 
ing  it  to  his  notice,  and  complained  that  he 
did  not  first  converse  with  him  on  the  subject 
privately.  He  said  that  he  wished  more  leis 
ure  to  examine  the  letter,  before  making  any 
detailed  remarks  on  its  contents,  but  added, 
that,  considering  the  treatment  he  had  received, 
he  could  not  think  of  remaining  in  his  office  a 
moment  longer.  Accordingly  he  sent  in  his 
resignation  the  same  day. 

Mr.  Randolph  published  a  pamphlet  vindicat 
ing  his  conduct,  and  explaining  such  parts  of 
the  intercepted  letter  as  related  to  him.  From 
M.  Fauchet,  who  was  then  on  the  point  of 


J3T.63.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  309 

leaving  the  country,  he  also  obtained  a  certifi 
cate,  in  which  that  minister  declared,  that  in 
his  letter  he  had  no  intention  to  say  any  thing 
to  the  disadvantage  of  Mr.  Randolph's  charac 
ter.  The  statements  presented  by  Mr.  Ran 
dolph,  in  proof  of  his  innocence,  were  not  such 
as  to  produce  entire  conviction ;  but  the  nature 
of  his  task  rendered  it  difficult,  if  not  impossi 
ble,  for  him  to  adduce  positive  evidence.  He 
moreover  allowed  himself  to  be  betrayed  into 
a  warmth  of  temper,  and  bitterness  of  feeling, 
not  altogether  favorable  to  his  candor.  After 
all  that  has  been  made  known,  the  particulars 
of  his  conversations  with  Fauchet,  and  his  de 
signs,  are  still  matters  of  conjecture. 

One  fact  connected  with  this  affair  should 
be  mentioned,  as  being  highly  creditable  to 
Washington.  In  preparing  his  vindication, 
Mr.  Randolph  applied  for  a  certain  letter,  and 
intimated  that  papers  were  withheld.  Wash 
ington  said,  in  reply  j  "  That  you  may  have 
no  cause  to  complain  of  the  withholding  of 
any  paper,  however  private  and  confidential, 
which  you  shall  think  necessary  in  a  case  of 
so  serious  a  nature,  I  have  directed  that  you 
should  have  the  inspection  of  my  letter  agree 
ably  to  your  request,  and  you  are  at  full  liber 
ty  to  publish  without  reserve  any  and  every 
private  and  confidential  letter  I  ever  wrote  to 


310  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1795. 

you  j  nay,  more,  every  word  I  ever  uttered  to 
you,  or  in  your  hearing,  from  whence  you  can 
derive  any  advantage  in  your  vindication." 
When  it  is  remembered,  that  Mr.  Randolph 
had  been  in  the  cabinet  from  the  beginning  of 
the  administration,  the  liberty  here  given  af 
fords  a  striking  proof  of  the  consciousness  felt 
by  Washington  of  the  perfect  rectitude  of  his 
own  proceedings. 

Mr.  Pickering  was  transferred  from  the  war 
department  to  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State, 
and  James  McHenry  of  Maryland  was  appoint 
ed  Secretary  of  War.  Mr.  Bradford,  the  At 
torney-general,  had  recently  died.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Charles  Lee  of  Virginia. 


.  64.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  311 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

The  President  refuses  to  furnish  Papers  to  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  in  relation  to  the  British  Treaty.  —  Captivity  of  La 
fayette,  and  Means  used  by  Washington  to  procure  his  Libera 
tion. —  Difficulties  with  France  in  regard  to  the  British  Treaty. 

—  Recall  of  Mr.  Monroe. —Washington's  Farewell  Address. 

—  His   last   Speech   to  Congress.  —  Inauguration  of  his  Suc 
cessor. —  Testimony  of  Respect  shown  to  him  by  the  Citizens 
of  Philadelphia.  —  He  retires  to  Mount  Vernon.  —  Review  of 
his  Administration. 

THE  foreign  relations  of  the  United  States 
had  begun  to  put  on  a  more  favorable  aspect. 
Treaties  were  negotiated  with  Spain  and  Al 
giers,  by  which  the  prisoners  who  had  been  in 
bondage  for  many  years  under  the  latter  power, 
were  released,  and  the  difficulties  with  the 
former,  respecting  boundaries  and  the  naviga 
tion  of  the  Mississippi,  were  amicably  adjusted. 
The  victory  of  General  Wayne  had  also 
smoothed  the  way  to  a  treaty  with  the  Indians. 
On  this  state  of  affairs  the  President  congratu 
lated  both  houses  of  Congress,  when  he  met 
them  at  the  opening  of  the  session. 

But  the  British  treaty  was  destined  to  be  a 
cause  of  still  further  agitation.  Great  exer 
tions  had  been  made  throughout  the  country 
to  obtain  signatures  to  petitions  against  it, 
which  were  to  be  presented  to  the  House  of 


312  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1796, 

Representatives.  And,  when  the  treaty  was 
submitted  to  Congress,  as  having  been  ratified 
by  his  Britannic  Majesty,  the  members  opposed 
to  it  indicated  a  determined  purpose  to  defeat 
its  operation  by  refusing  to  pass  the  laws 
necessary  for  carrying  it  into  effect.  The 
warfare  was  commenced  by  a  resolution,  to 
which  a  large  majority  assented,  requesting  the 
President  to  lay  before  the  House  the  instruc 
tions  to  Mr.  Jay,  and  the  correspondence  and 
other  documents  relating  to  the  negotiation. 

This  request  imposed  a  delicate  task  on  the 
President.  In  his  opinion,  the  power  to  form 
treaties  rested  wholly  with  the  chief  magis 
trate  and  the  Senate,  and  he  believed  that  the 
House  of  Representatives  had  no  right  to  make 
a  demand,  which  would  imply  an  encroach 
ment  on  this  power,  nor  in  any  manner  to  in 
terfere  with  the  negotiation  of  treaties.  Yet, 
in  the  present  excited  state  of  public  feeling, 
a  refusal  of  the  request  would  expose  him  to 
the  charge  of  showing  disrespect  to  the  repre 
sentatives  of  the  people,  raise  suspicions  of  his 
motives,  and  probably  furnish  a  pretext  for  in 
sinuations,  that  he  had  personal  reasons  for 
concealment. 

From  the  line  of  duty,  however,  he  was 
never  known  to  deviate ;  and  in  this  case  it 
was  too  plain  to  be  mistaken.  In  his  answer 


jET.64.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  313 

to  the  communication  from  the  house,  he  re 
fused  a  compliance  with  the  request,  and  gave 
his  reasons.  He  said  it  was  clear  to  his  mind, 
that  the  power  of  making  treaties  was  vested 
by  the  Constitution  exclusively  in  the  Presi 
dent,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Sen 
ate  :  that,  having  been  a  member  of  the  con 
vention,  he  knew  this  was  the  understanding 
of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  ;  that  the 
subject  was  fully  discussed ;  that  there  were 
reasons  for  believing  the  State  conventions  un 
derstood  it  in  the  same  way :  that  this  con-, 
stmction  had  hitherto  been  acquiesced  in  by 
the  House  of  Representatives  ;  and  that  a  just 
regard  to  the  Constitution,  and  to  the  duty  of 
his  office,  required  him  to  resist  the  principle 
contended  for  by  the  house.  If  allowed  to  be 
put  in  practice,  it  would  destroy  the  confi 
dence  of  foreign  powers  in  the  executive,  de 
range  the  government,  and  lead  to  the  most 
mischievous  consequences,  when  it  would  be 
too  late  to  apply  a  remedy. 

The  members,  who  voted  for  the  resolution, 
were  not  prepared  for  this  refusal :  nor  did 
they  conceal  their  disappointment  and  dissatis 
faction.  The  message  gave  rise  to  a  debate, 
which  continued  for  many  days,  and  in  which 
the  merits  of  the  treaty,  and  the  constitutional 
powers  of  the  several  departments  of  the  gov- 


314  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1796. 

ernment,  were  elaborately  discussed.  Passion, 
party  zeal,  eloquence,  and  argument  were  all 
brought  to  bear  on  the  subject  ;  and  the 
speeches  show,  that  both  sides  of  the  question 
were  maintained  with  unusual  ability  and 
force  of  reasoning.  In  the  end,  a  majority  of 
the  members  who  were  opposed  to  the  treaty 
yielded  to  the  exigency  of  the  case,  and,  prob 
ably  more  from  expediency  than  conviction, 
united  in  passing  the  laws  necessary  for  its 
fulfilment. 

Among  the  events,  which  contributed  to 
harass  the  mind  and  weigh  upon  the  spirits  of 
Washington,  none  affected  him  more  keenly 
than  the  captivity  of  Lafayette.  Gratitude  for 
the  services  rendered  by  Lafayette  to  the 
United  States  in  times  of  distress  and  peril,  a 
respect  for  his  character,  founded  on  a  long  and 
intimate  acquaintance,  and  a  knowledge  of  his 
pure  and  disinterested  principles,  had  created 
an  ardent  attachment,  of  which  many  proofs 
have  been  exhibited  in  this  narrative,  and 
many  others  might  be  added.  In  proportion 
to  the  strength  of  this  attachment  was  his 
affliction  at  the  sufferings  of  his  friend 

After  receiving  the  intelligence  of  his  cap 
ture,  Washington  wrote  letters  to  the  Mar 
chioness  de  Lafayette,  expressive  of  his  sym 
pathy,  and  affording  all  the  consolation  in  his 


>ET.64.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  315 

power.  His  regret  was  the  greater,  because, 
being  at  the  head  of  the  nation,  the  family  of 
Lafayette,  and  the  friends  of  humanity  in 
Europe,  expected  much  from  his  aid  ;  while 
in  reality  he  could  do  nothing  more,  except  by 
his  personal  influence,  than  any  other  individ 
ual.  Lafayette  was  a  prisoner,  first  in  the 
Prussian  dominions,  and  next  in  the  Austrian. 
There  was  no  diplomatic  intercourse  between 
those  countries  and  the  United  States.  Hence 
the  American  government,  without  authority 
to  make  a  demand  or  power  to  enforce  it, 
either  directly  or  through  the  agency  of  other 
governments,  could  take  no  decisive  steps  for 
his  release. 

Instructions  were  sent,  and  often  repeated, 
to  the  American  ministers  at  foreign  courts, 
directing  them  to  use  all  their  efforts  in  his 
favor.  These  instructions  were  faithfully 
obeyed.  Nothing  more  could  be  done.  The 
mediation  of  the  British  cabinet  was  sought, 
but  not  obtained.  That  he  might  leave  no 
means  untried,  Washington  at  last  wrote  a 
letter  to  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  stating  his 
friendship  for  Lafayette,  suggesting  in  delicate 
terms  that  his  sufferings  had  perhaps  been  as 
great  as  the  nature  of  his  case  demanded,  and 
requesting  that  he  might  be  permitted  to  come 
to  the  United  States  under  such  restrictions 


316  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1796. 

as  his  Majesty,  the  Emperor,  might  think  it 
expedient  to  prescribe.  What  influence  this 
letter  may  have  had  on  the  mind  of  the  Em 
peror,  or  on  the  fate  of  Lafayette,  is  not  known. 
When  restored  to  liberty,  he  was  delivered 
over,  by  order  of  the  Austrian  government,  to 
the  American  consul  at  Hamburg. 

When  the  wife  and  daughters  of  Lafayette 
left  France,  to  join  him  in  the  prison  of  Ol- 
mutz,  his  son,  George  Washington  Lafayette, 
came  to  the  United  States.  He  was  affec 
tionately  received  into  the  family  of  President 
Washington,  where  he  resided  nearly  two 
years,  till  he  returned  to  Europe  on  hearing  of 
the  liberation  of  his  father. 

Not  long  after  the  treaty  was  conditionally 
ratified  by  the  Senate,  a  copy  of  it  was  fur 
nished  to  the  French  minister,  M.  Adet,  the 
successor  of  M.  Fauchet.  He  objected  to  some 
parts  of  it,  as  at  variance  with  the  treaty  sub 
sisting  between  France  and  the  United  States. 
His  objections  were  answered  by  the  Secre 
tary  of  State,  and  such  explanations  were 
given  as  showed,  that  the  treaty  could  in  no 
degree  injure  the  interests  of  France,  and  that 
the  government  of  the  United  States  was  re 
solved  faithfully  to  fulfil  their  compact  with 
that  nation,  according  to  the  strict  principles 
of  neutrality,  which  it  was  bound  to  observe 


^Er.  64.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  317 

in  regard  to  the  belligerent  powers  of  Europe. 
But  the  rulers  of  the  French  republic  had 
viewed  with  jealousy  Mr.  Jay's  negotiation, 
as  diminishing  their  hope  of  a  war  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  ;  and  it  is 
not  surprising,  that  they  should  be  quick  to 
find  out  points  in  the  treaty,  which,  by  their 
construction,  might  be  turned  to  the  disadvan 
tage  of  France.  Foreseeing  this  result,  and 
anxious  to  remove  every  ground  of  dissatis 
faction,  Washington  caused  very  full  instruc 
tions  to  be  sent  to  Mr.  Monroe,  that  he  might 
be  able  to  explain  the  articles  of  the  treaty,  as 
understood  by  the  American  government,  and 
also  their  designs  and  conduct  in  making  it. 

From  the  tenor  of  Mr.  Monroe's  letters,  and 
from  the  proceedings  of  the  French  Directory, 
the  President  was  led  to  believe,  that  the  min 
ister  had  been  backward  in  using  his  instruc 
tions,  and  in  furnishing  the  required  explana 
tions.  It  was  known,  likewise,  that  he  was 
hostile  to  the  treaty ;  and  of  course,  with  the 
best  disposition  to  do  his  duty,  he  could  hardly 
enter  into  the  views  of  the  government  with 
the  zeal,  and  represent  them  with  the  force  of 
conviction,  which  the  importance  of  the  occa 
sion  demanded.  The  only  remedy  was  to 
send  out  another  minister.  It  was  resolved, 
therefore,  to  recall  Mr.  Monroe,  and  make  a 


318  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1796. 

new  appointment.  This  resolution  was  unan 
imously  approved  by  the  cabinet.  Mr.  Mon 
roe  was  accordingly  recalled,  and  Charles 
Cotesworth  Pinckney  was  sent  to  supply  his 
place. 

Some  months  previously,  Mr.  Thomas  Pinck 
ney  had  been  permitted  to  return  home,  hav 
ing  discharged  the  duties  of  his  office  in  Eng 
land,  and  on  a  mission  for  negotiating  a  treaty 
at  Madrid,  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  ex 
ecutive  and  of  his  country.  Rufus  King,  who 
had  been  a  senator  from  the  beginning  of  the 
new  government,  was  appointed  as  his  succes 
sor  at  the  court  of  Great  Britain. 

When  the  second  period  of  four  years,  for 
which  Washington  had  been  elected  to  the 
Presidency,  was  approaching  its  termination, 
many  of  his  friends,  concerned  at  the  present 
state  of  the  country,  and  fearing  the  conse 
quences  of  the  heats  and  divisions  that  would 
arise  in  choosing  his  successor,  pressed  him 
earnestly  to  make  a  still  further  sacrifice  of  his 
inclination  to  the  public  good.  But  his  pur 
pose  was  fixed,  and  not  to  be  changed.  He 
believed  that  he  had  done  enough,  and  that 
he  might  now,  without  any  dereliction  of 
duty,  resign  the  helm  of  government  into  oth 
er  hands.  Having  determined  to  retire,  he 
thought  proper  to  make  this  determination 


^Er.64.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  319 

known  in  a  formal  manner,  and  at  so  early  a 
day,  as  to  enable  his  fellow  citizens  to  turn 
their  thoughts  to  other  candidates,  and  prjepare 
for  a  new  election. 

Accordingly  his  Farewell  Address  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States  was  published  on 
the  loth  of  September,  nearly  six  months  be 
fore  his  term  of  office  expired.  In  this  paper 
are  embodied  the  results  of  his  long  experience 
in  public  affairs,  and  a  system  of  policy,  which 
in  his  opinion  was  the  best  suited  to  insure  to 
his  country  the  blessings  of  union,  peace,  and 
prosperity,  and  the  respect  of  other  nations. 
For  the  vigor  of  its  language,  the  soundness 
of  its  maxims,  the  wisdom  of  its  counsels,  and 
its  pure  and  elevated  sentiments,  this  perform 
ance  is  unrivalled ;  and  the  lapse  of  forty 
years  has  rather  increased  than  diminished  the 
admiration  with  which  it  was  universally  re 
ceived.  The  sensation,  which  it  produced  in 
every  class  of  the  community,  was  as  strong 
as  it  has  been  permanent.  Even  the  fierce 
spirit  of  party  could  not  resist  the  impulse,  nor 
weaken  its  force.  The  State  legislatures, 
when  they  assembled,  and  other  public  bod 
ies,  voted  addresses  and  thanks  to  the  Presi 
dent,  expressing  a  cordial  approbation  of  his 
conduct  during  the  eight  years  in  which  he 
had  filled  the  office  of  chief  magistrate,  and 


320  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1796. 

their  deep  regret  that  the  nation  was  to  be 
deprived  of  his  services.  In  some  of  the 
States,  the  Farewell  Address  was  printed  and 
published  with  the  laws,  by  order  of  the  legis 
latures,  as  an  evidence  of  the  value  they  at 
tached  to  its  political  precepts,  and  of  their 
affection  for  its  author. 

The  two  houses  of  Congress  came  together 
in  December,  and  Washington  met  them  for 
the  last  time.  As  he  had  usually  done  in  his 
former  speeches,  he  first  presented  a  clear  and 
comprehensive  view  of  the  condition  of  the 
country,  and  the  executive  proceedings  within 
the  last  year,  and  then  recommended  to  their 
consideration  certain  me'asures,  which  he  deem 
ed  important.  Among  these  were  the  gradual 
increase  of  the  navy,  a  provision  for  the  en 
couragement  of  agriculture  and  manufactures, 
the  establishment  of  a  national  university,  and 
the  institution  of  a  military  academy.  The 
relations  with  France  were  made  the  subject 
of  a  separate  message.  At  the  end  of  his 
speech  he  said  ; 

"  The  situation  in  which  I  now  stand,  for 
the  last  time,  in  the  midst  of  the  representa^ 
tives  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  nat 
urally  recalls  the  period  when  the  administra 
tion  of  the  present  form  of  government  com 
menced  ;  and  I  cannot  omit  the  occasion  to 


JE.T.  64,]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  321 

congratulate  you  and  my  country,  on  the  suc 
cess  of  the  experiment,  nor  to  repeat  my  fer 
vent  supplications  to  the  Supreme  Ruler  of 
the  Universe  and  Sovereign  Arbiter  of  Na 
tions,  that  his  providential  care  may  still  be 
extended  to  the  United  States ;  that  the  virtue 
and  happiness  of  the  people  may  be  preserved  ; 
and  that  the  government,  which  they  have  in 
stituted  for  the  protection  of  their  liberties, 
may  be  perpetual." 

Little  was  done  during  the  session.  Public 
attention  was  engrossed  with  the  pending 
election.  The  votes  of  the  electors  were  re 
turned  to  Congress,  and  in  February  they 
were  opened  and  counted  in  the  presence  of 
both  houses.  It  appeared  that  John  Adams 
was  chosen  President,  and  Thomas  Jefferson 
"Vice-President,  the  former  having  the  highest 
number  of  votes,  and  the  latter  the  next  high 
est.  The  strength  of  the  parties  was  tried  in 
this  contest.  Mr.  Adams  was  supported  by 
the  friends  of  the  administration,  or  the  federal 
party,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  by  its  opponents,  or 
the  democratic  party. 

On  the  4th  of  March  the  President  elect 
took  the  oath  of  office  and  assumed  its  duties. 
The  ceremony  was  performed  in  the  hall  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  in  the  same 
manner  as  had  been  practised  on  former  occa- 

VOL.    II.  21 


322  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1797. 

sions.  Washington  was  present  as  a  specta 
tor,  happy  in  resigning  the  burden  of  his  of 
fice,  and  gratified  to  see  it  confided  to  one, 
whose  long  and  patriotic  services  in  the  cause 
of  his  country  rendered  him  worthy  of  so  high 
a  trust. 

The  citizens  of  Philadelphia  celebrated  the 
day  by  a  testimony  of  respect  for  the  man, 
whom  they,  in  common  with  the  whole  na 
tion,  loved  and  revered.  A  splendid  enter 
tainment  was  prepared,  which  was  designed 
for  him  as  the  principal  guest,  and  to  which 
were  invited  foreign  ministers,  the  heads  of 
the  departments,  officers  of  rank,  and  other 
distinguished  persons.  A  spacious  rotunda 
was  fitted  up  for  the  occasion,  in  which  were 
elegant  decorations,  emblematical  paintings, 
fanciful  devices,  and  a  landscape  representing 
Mount  Vernon  and  the  scenery  around  it,  all 
conspiring  to  revive  associations  connected 
with  the  life  of  Washington. 

The  following  anecdote  was  communicated 
by  the  late  Bishop  White.  "  On  the  day  be 
fore  President  Washington  retired  from  office, 
a  large  company  dined  with  him.  Among 
them  were  the  foreign  ministers  and  their  la 
dies,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Adams,  Mr.  Jefferson,  and 
other  conspicuous  persons  of  both  sexes.  Dur 
ing  the  dinner  much  hilarity  prevailed ;  but, 


.Ex.65.1  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  323 

on  the  removal  of  the  cloth,  it  was  put  an  end 
to  by  the  President,  certainly  without  design. 
Having  filled  his  glass,  he  addressed  the  com 
pany,  with  a  smile,  as  nearly  as  can  be  recol 
lected  in  the  following  words ;  '  Ladies  and 
gentlemen,  this  is  the  last  time  I  shall  drink 
your  health  as  a  public  man.  I  do  it  with 
sincerity,  wishing  you  all  possible  happiness.' 
There  was  an  end  of  all  pleasantry.  He,  who 
gives  this  relation,  accidentally  directed  his 
eye  to  the  lady  of  the  British  minister,  Mrs. 
Liston,  and  tears  were  running  down  her 
cheeks." 

Being  once  more  a  private  citizen,  and  hav 
ing  already  made  preparation  for  his  departure, 
he  proceeded  immediately  with  his  family  to 
Mount  Yernon.  In  passing  along  the  road  he 
was  welcomed  with  the  same  hearty  demon 
strations  of  attachment,  as  when  clothed  with 
the  dignity  and  power  of  office.  Before  he 
reached  Baltimore,  he  was  met  by  a  military 
escort  and  a  large  concourse  of  the  inhabitants, 
who  accompanied  him  into  the  city ;  and  it 
was  not  till  he  had  actually  arrived  at  his  own 
mansion,  in  the  tranquil  retreat  of  Mount  Yer 
non,  that  he  could  say  he  was  no  longer  a 
public  man. 

In  reviewing  the  administration  of  Wash 
ington,  now  that  the  effervescence  of  party  is 


324  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1797. 

subsided,  and  in  tracing  its  effects  on  the  for 
mation  and  progress  of  the  government,  there 
can  hardly  be  a  difference  of  opinion.  No  one 
can  doubt  its  wisdom  or  its  success.  Whether 
another  system,  more  conformable  to  the  views 
of  those  who  opposed  his  principal  measures, 
might  not  have  operated  equally  well,  is  not  a 
question  which  needs  to  be  discussed.  When 
a  great  and  permanent  good  has  been  done, 
with  the  purest  motives  on  the  part  of  the 
actor,  it  is  not  necessary,  in  forming  a  just 
estimate  of  this  good,  to  inquire  by  what  other 
means  the  same  end  might  have  been  attained. 
Notwithstanding  the  innumerable  embarrass 
ments,  which  attended  the  first  operations  of 
the  new  government,  the  nation  was  never 
more  prosperous  than  while  Washington  was 
at  its  head.  Credit  was  restored,  and  estab 
lished  on  a  sound  basis  ;  the  public  debt  was 
secured,  and  its  ultimate  payment  provided 
for ;  commerce  had  increased  beyond  any 
former  example ;  the  amount  of  tonnage  in 
the  ports  of  the  United  States  had  nearly 
doubled  ;  the  imports  and  exports  had  aug 
mented  in  a  considerably  larger  ratio ;  and  the 
revenue  was  much  more  abundant  than  had 
been  expected.  The  war  with  the  Indians 
was  conducted  to  a  successful  issue  ;  and  a 
peace  was  concluded,  which  promised  quiet  to 


jET.  65.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  325 

the  frontier  inhabitants,  and  advantages  to  the 
uncivilized  tribes.  Treaties  had  been  made 
with  foreign  powers,  in  which  long  standing 
disputes  were  amicably  settled,  contending 
claims  adjusted,  and  important  privileges  gain 
ed  to  the  United  States.  The  relations  with 
France  alone  remained  in  a  state  of  incerti 
tude  and  perplexity ;  and  this  was  owing  to 
the  condition  of  affairs  in  Europe,  and  not  to 
any  thing  that  had  grown  out  of  the  acts  or 
policy  of  the  American  government. 


326  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1797. 


CHAPTER   XL. 


Washington  devotes  himself  to  his  private  Affairs.  —  Troubles 
between  France  and  the  United  States.  —  Preparations  for 
War.  —  Washington  appointed  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
Provisional  Army  of  the  United  States.  —  Organization  and 
Arrangement  of  the  Army.  —  Disputes  with  France  adjusted. — 
His  last  Illness  and  Death.  —  His  Character. 


BEING  established  again  at  Mount  Vernon, 
and  freed  from  public  toils  and  cares,  Wash 
ington  returned  to  the  same  habits  of  life,  and 
the  same  pursuits,  which  he  had  always  prac 
tised  at  that  place.  It  required  neither  time 
nor  new  incitements  to  revive  a  taste  for  occu 
pations,  which  had  ever  afforded  him  more 
real  enjoyment  than  any  others.  Although  he 
had  been  able  to  exercise  a  partial  supervision 
over  his  private  affairs,  yet  he  found,  that, 
after  an  absence  of  eight  years,  much  was  to 
be  done  to  repair  his  houses,  restore  his  farms 
to  the  condition  in  which  he  had  left  them, 
and  complete  his  favorite  system  of  agricul 
ture.  To  these  employments  he  devoted  him 
self  with  as  lively  an  interest,  as  if  nothing 
had  occurred  to  interrupt  them. 

In  writing  to  a  friend,  a  few  weeks  after  he 
arrived  at  Mount  Vernon,  he  said  that  he  be- 


jET.  65.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  327 

gan  his  daily  course  with  the  rising  of  the 
sun,  and  first  made  preparations  for  the  busi 
ness  of  the  day.  "  By  the  time  I  have  ac 
complished  these  matters,"  he  adds,  "  break 
fast  is  ready.  This  being  over,  I  mount  my 
horse  and  ride  round  my  farms,  which  em 
ploys  me  until  it  is  time  to  dress  for  dinner, 
at  which  I  rarely  miss  to  see  strange  faces 
come  as  they  say  out  of  respect  to  me.  And 
how  different  is  this  from  having  a  few  social 
friends  at  a  cheerful  board.  The  usual  time 
of  sitting  at  table,  a  walk,  and  tea,  bring  me 
within  the  dawn  of  candlelight ;  previous  to 
which,  if  not  prevented  by  company,  I  re 
solve,  that,  as  soon  as  the  glimmering  taper 
supplies  the  place  of  the  great  luminary,  I 
will  retire  to  my  writing-table,  and  acknowl 
edge  the  letters  I  have  received.  Having 
given  you  this  history  of  a  day,  it  will  serve 
for  a  year."  And  in  this  manner  a  year  passed 
away,  and  with  no  other  variety  than  that  of 
the  change  of  visiters,  who  came  from  all 
parts  to  pay  their  respects  or  gratify  their  cu 
riosity. 

But,  in  the  midst  of  these  scenes,  it  once 
more  became  his  duty  to  yield  to  the  claim 
of  his  country.  The  French  Directory  had 
rejected  the  overtures  for  a  reconciliation,  and 
committed  outrages  and  insults  against  the 


328  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1798. 

United  States,  which  no  independent  nation 
icould  bear.  Mr.  Pinckney,  the  American 
plenipotentiary,  had  been  treated  with  indig 
nity,  first  by  a  refusal  to  receive  him  as  min 
ister,  and  next  by  an  order  to  leave  the  terri- 
ytories  of  the  Republic.  At  the  same  time, 
depredations  were  made  upon  American  com 
merce  by  French  cruisers,  in  violation  of  the 
treaty  which  had  subsisted  between  the  two 
nations.  President  Adams  summoned  Con 
gress,  submitted  the  subject  to  them,  and  rec 
ommended  preparations  for  military  defence. 
That  no  method  might  be  left  unattempted 
for  bringing  about  a  reconciliation  and  insur 
ing  peace,  two  envoys  extraordinary,  John 
Marshall  and  Elbridge  Gerry,  were  sent  out 
to  join  Mr.  Pinckney.  The  three  envoys  pro 
ceeded  to  Paris,  but  their  mission  was  unsuc 
cessful. 

It  seems  that  the  rulers  of  France  had  been 
deceived  into  a  belief,  that  the  people  of  the 
United  States  would  not  sustain  their  govern 
ment  in  a  war  against  that  country.  The 
opposition  shown  to  the  British  treaty  had 
contributed  to  foster  this  delusion  ;  and  in 
deed  the  conduct  of  the  French  ministers  in 
the  United  States,  from  the  time  Genet  arrived 
at  Charleston,  had  clearly  indicated  a  design 
to  separate  the  people  from  the  government. 


JEx.  66.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  329 

Such  was  the  confidence  of  the  Executive 
Directory  in  this  hope,  and  such  their  igno 
rance  of  the  American  character,  that  they 
had  the  effrontery  to  demand  money  of  the 
envoys  as  a  preliminary  to  any  negotiation  for 
settling  the  differences  between  the  two  na 
tions.  This  demand  was  made  under  the  pre 
tence  of  a  redress  of  grievances,  in  conse 
quence,  as  it  was  alleged,  of  the  unfavorable 
operation  of  the  British  treaty,  and  of  the  sys 
tem  of  neutrality  adopted  by  the  American 
government.  So  degrading  a  proposal  could 
not  of  course  be  regarded  in  any  other  light 
than  as  an  insult. 

Nothing  now  remained  to  be  done  but  to 
prepare  for  war.  Congress  authorized  the 
President  to  enlist  ten  thousand  men,  as  a 
provisional  army,  and  to  call  them  into  actual 
service,  if  war  should  be  declared  against  the 
United  States,  or  whenever  in  his  opinion 
there  should  be  danger  of  an  invasion. 

As  soon  as  it  was  foreseen,  that  a  resort  to 
arms  might  be  necessary,  all  eyes  were  turned 
upon  Washington  as  the  individual  to  be  plac 
ed  at  the  head  of  the  army.  The  weight  of 
his  name  was  of  the  utmost  importance  to 
produce  unanimity  in  the  leaders,  and  secure 
the  confidence  and  support  of  the  people. 
"  You  ought  to  be  aware,"  said  Hamilton,  in 


330  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1798. 

writing  to  him,  "  that,  in  the  event  of  an  open 
rupture  with  France,  the  public  voice  will 
again  call  you  to  command  the  armies  of  your 
country ;  and,  though  all  who  are  attached  to 
you  will  from  attachment,  as  well  as  public 
considerations,  deplore  an  occasion,  which 
should  once  more  tear  you  from  that  repose 
to  which  you  have  so  good  a  right,  yet  it  is 
the  opinion  of  all  those  with  whom  I  con 
verse,  that  you  will  be  compelled  to  make  the 
sacrifice.  All  your  past  labors  may  demand^ 
to  give  them  efficacy,  this  further,  this  very 
great  sacrifice."  The  President  also  wrote  to 
him  ;  "  We  must  have  your  name,  if  you  will 
permit  us  to  use  it.  There  will  be  more  effi 
cacy  in  it  than  in  many  an  army."  This  let 
ter  was  written  before  any  appointments  had 
been  made.  The  following  is  an  extract  from 
Washington's  reply. 

"  From  a  view  of  the  past  and  the  present, 
and  from  the  prospect  of  that  which  seems  to 
be  expected,  it  is  not  easy  for  me  to  decide 
satisfactorily  on  the  part  it  might  best  become 
me  to  act.  In  case  of  actual  invasion  by  a 
formidable  force,  I  certainly  should  not  in 
trench  myself  under  the  cover  of  age  and  re 
tirement,  if  my  services  should  be  required  by 
my  country  to  assist  in  repelling  it.  And,  if 
there  be  good  cause,  which  must  be  better 


^ET.  66.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  331 

known  to  the  government  than  to  private  cit 
izens,  to  expect  such  an  event,  delay  in  pre 
paring  for  it  might  be  dangerous,  improper,  and 
not  to  be  justified  by  prudence.  The  uncer 
tainty,  however,  of  the  event,  in  my  mind, 
creates  my  embarrassment ;  for  I  cannot  fairly 
bring  it  to  believe,  regardless  as  the  French 
are  of  treaties  and  of  the  laws  of  nations,  and 
capable  as  I  conceive  them  to  be  of  any  spe 
cies  of  despotism  and  injustice,  that  they  will 
attempt  to  invade  this  country,  after  such  a 
uniform  and  unequivocal  expression  of  the 
sense  of  the  people  in  all  parts  to  oppose  them 
with  their  lives  and  fortunes." 

Before  receiving  this  reply,  the  President  had 
nominated  him  to  the  Senate  as  Commander-in- 
chief  of  the  armies  of  the  United  States.  The 
nomination  was  unanimously  confirmed  on  the 
3d  of  July,  the  day  after  it  was  made.  The 
Secretary  of  War  was  despatched  in  person  to 
Mount  Vernon,  as  the  bearer  of  the  commis 
sion.  Washington  accepted  the  appointment, 
with  two  reservations  ;  first,  that  the  principal 
officers  should  be  such  as  he  approved ;  sec 
ondly,  that  he  should  not  be  called  into  the 
field,  till  the  army  was  in  a  condition  to  re 
quire  his  presence,  or  till  it  became  necessary 
by  the  urgency  of  circumstances.  He  added, 
hoAvever,  that  he  did  not  mean  to  withhold 


332  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1798. 

any  assistance  he  could  afford  in  arranging  and 
organizing  the  army ;  and,  in  conformity  with 
the  rule  he  had  always  followed,  he  declined 
receiving  any  part  of  the  emoluments  annexed 
to  his  appointment,  until  he  should  be  in  a  sit 
uation  to  incur  expense. 

There  was  much  embarrassment  in  appoint 
ing  the  principal  officers.  Some  of  those,  who 
had  served  in  the  Revolution,  were  prominent 
candidates  for  appointments  in  the  new  army. 
It  became  a  question,  whether  their  former 
rank  should  be  taken  into  account.  If  this 
were  decided  in  the  affirmative,  it  would  de 
prive  the  army  of  the  services  of  men,  whose 
talents,  activity,  and  influence  were  of  the 
greatest  moment,  but  who  would  not  accept 
subordinate  places.  It  was  the  opinion  of 
Washington,  that,  since  the  old  army  had  long 
been  disbanded,  and  a  new  one  was  now  to  be 
formed  upon  different  principles  and  for  a  dif 
ferent  object,  no  regard  ought  to  be  paid  to 
former  rank,  but  that  the  best  men  should  be 
selected,  and  so  arranged  as  most  effectually  to 
promote  the  public  good.  This  opinion  pre 
vailed. 

The  inspector-general  was  to  be  the  second 
in  command,  and  there  were  to  be  likewise 
two  major-generals.  For  these  offices  Wash 
ington  proposed  Alexander  Hamilton,  Charles 


jET.66.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  333 

Cotesworth  Pinckney.  and  Henry  Knox,  who 
were  to  rank  in  the  order  in  which  their  names 
here  stand.  They  were  thus  appointed.  The 
President  was  not  satisfied  with  the  arrange 
ment.  His  choice  for  the  inspector-general 
rested  upon  Knox,  but  he  acquiesced  in  the 
decision  of  Washington.  Unfortunately  Gen 
eral  Knox  was  displeased  with  the  arrange 
ment,  and  declined  accepting  his  commission. 
He  believed  that  his  former  services  gave  him 
higher  claims,  than  could  be  advanced  for  the 
two  younger  officers  who  were  placed  over 
him. 

From  this  time  to  the  end  of  his  life  a  great 
part  of  Washington's  attention  was  taken  up 
with  the  affairs  of  the  new  army.  His  corre 
spondence  with  the  Secretary  of  War,  the 
major-generals,  and  other  officers,  was  unre- 
mitted  and  very  full,  entering  into  details  and 
communicating  instructions,  which  derived 
value  from  his  long  experience  and  perfect 
knowledge  of  the  subject.  His  letters  during 
this  period,  if  not  the  most  interesting  to  many 
readers,  will  ever  be  regarded  as  models  of 
their  kind,  and  as  affording  evidence  that  the 
vigor  and  fertility  of  his  mind  had  not  de 
creased  with  declining  years.  He  passed  a 
month  at  Philadelphia,  where  he  was  assidu 
ously  employed  with  Generals  Hamilton  and 


334  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1799. 

Pinckney  in  making  arrangements  for  raising 
and  organizing  the  army.  After  the  plan  was 
finished,  he  applied  himself,  with  all  the  ardor 
of  his  younger  days,  to  effect  its  execution. 

He  never  seriously  believed,  that  the  French 
would  go  to  the  extremity  of  invading  the 
United  States.  But  it  had  always  been  a  max 
im  with  him,  that  a  timely  preparation  for  war 
afforded  the  surest  means  of  preserving  peace  ; 
and  on  this  occasion  he  acted  with  as  much 
promptitude  and  energy,  as  if  the  invaders 
had  been  actually  on  the  coast.  His  opinion 
proved  to  be  correct,  and  his  prediction  was 
verified.  When  it  was  discovered,  that  a  war 
with  the  United  States  would  not  be  against 
the  government  alone,  but  that  the  whole  peo 
ple  would  rise  to  resist  aggression  and  maintain 
their  rights  and  dignity  as  a  nation,  the  French 
rulers  relaxed  into  a  more  pacific  temper.  In 
timations  were  given  by  them  of  a  willingness 
to  cooperate  in  effecting  a  friendly  and  equita 
ble  adjustment  of  existing  differences.  Lis 
tening  to  these  overtures,  the  President  again 
appointed  three  envoys  extraordinary,  and  in 
vested  them  with  full  powers  to  negotiate  with 
the  French  government.  When  they  arrived 
in  Paris,  they  found  Bonaparte  at  the  head  of 
affairs,  who,  having  taken  no  part  in  the  pre 
ceding  disputes,  and  perceiving  no  advantage 


^T.  67.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  335 

in  continuing  them,  readily  assented  to  an  ac 
commodation.  No  event  was  more  desired  by 
Washington,  but  he  did  not  live  to  participate 
in  the  joy  with  which  the  intelligence  was  re 
ceived  by  his  countrymen. 

Since  his  retirement  from  the  Presidency, 
his  health  had  been  remarkably  good  ;  and. 
although  age  had  not  come  without  its  infir 
mities,  yet  he  was  able  to  endure  fatigue  and 
make  exertions  of  body  and  mind  with  scarce 
ly  less  ease  and  activity,  than  he  had  done  in 
the  prime  of  his  strength.  On  the  12th  of 
December  he  spent  several  hours  on  horse 
back,  riding  to  his  farms,  and  giving  directions 
to  his  managers.  He  returned  late  in  the  af 
ternoon,  wet  and  chilled  with  the  rain  and 
sleet,  to  which  he  had  been  exposed  while 
riding  home.  The  water  had  penetrated  to 
his  neck,  and  snow  was  lodged  in  the  locks 
of  his  hair.  A  heavy  fall  of  snow  the  next 
day  prevented  his  going  abroad,  except  for  a 
short  time  near  his  house.  A  sore  throat  and 
hoarseness  convinced  him,  that  he  had  taken 
cold  ;  but  he  seemed  to  apprehend  no  danger 
from  it.  He  passed  the  evening  with  the  fam 
ily,  read  the  newspapers,  and  conversed  cheer 
fully  till  his  usual  hour  for  going  to  rest. 

In  the  night  he  had  an  ague,  and  before  the 
dawn  of  day  the  next  morning,  which  was 


336  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1799. 

Saturday,  the  14th,  the  soreness  in  his  throat 
had  become  so  severe,  that  he  breathed  and 
spoke  with  difficulty.  At  his  request  he  was 
bled  by  one  of  his  overseers,  and  in  the  mean 
time  a  messenger  went  for  Dr.  Craik,  who 
lived  nine  miles  off,  at  Alexandria.  As  no  re 
lief  was  obtained  by  bleeding,  and  the  symp 
toms  were  such  as  to  alarm  the  family,  another 
messenger  was  despatched  for  Dr.  Brown,  who 
resided  nearer  Mount  Vernon.  These  physi 
cians  arrived  in  the  morning,  and  Dr.  Dick  in 
the  course  of  the  day.  All  the  remedies,  which 
their  united  counsel  could  devise,  were  used 
without  effect. 

His  suffering  was  acute  and  unabated 
through  the  day,  but  he  bore  it  with  perfect 
composure  and  resignation.  Towards  evening 
he  said  to  Dr.  Craik  ;  "  I  die  hard,  but  I  am 
not  afraid  to  die.  I  believed  from  my  first  at 
tack,  that  I  should  not  survive  it.  My  breath 
cannot  last  long."  From  that  time  he  said 
little,  except  to  thank  the  physicians  for  their 
kindness,  and  request  they  would  give  them 
selves  no  more  trouble,  but  let  him  die  quietly. 
Nothing  further  was  done,  and  he  sank  gradu 
ally  till  between  ten  and  eleven  o'clock  at 
night,  when  he  expired,  in  the  sixty-eighth 
year  of  his  age,  and  in  the  full  possession  of 
his  mental  faculties  j  exhibiting  in  this  short 


^x.67.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  337 

and  painful  illness,  and  in  his  death,  the  same 
example  of  patience,  fortitude,  and  submission 
to  the  Divine  will,  which  he  had  shown  in  all 
the  acts  of  his  life.  On  Wednesday,  the  18th 
of  December,  his  remains  were  deposited  in 
the  family  tomb  at  Mount  Vernon. 

Congress  was  at  this  time  in  session  at  Phil 
adelphia  ;  and,  when  the  news  of  the  melan 
choly  event  arrived  at  the  seat  of  government, 
both  houses  immediately  adjourned  for  the  re 
mainder  of  the  day.  The  next  morning,  as 
soon  as  the  House  of  Representatives  had  con 
vened,  Mr.  Marshall,  afterwards  Chief  Justice, 
rose  in  his  place,  and  addressed  the  Speaker 
in  an  eloquent  and  pathetic  speech,  briefly 
recounting  the  public  acts  of  Washington. 
He  then  offered  three  resolutions,  previously 
prepared  by  General  Henry  Lee,  which  were 
accepted.  By  these  it  was  proposed,  that  the 
house  should  in  a  body  wait  on  the  President 
to  express  their  condolence  ;  that  the  Speaker's 
chair  should  be  shrouded  in  black,  and  the 
members  and  officers  of  the  house  be  dressed 
in  black,  during  the  session ;  and  that  a  com 
mittee,  in  conjunction  with  a  committee  from 
the  Senate,  should  be  appointed  "  to  consider 
on  the  most  suitable  manner  of  paying  honor 
to  the  memory  of  the  man,  first  in  war,  first 

VOL.  n.  22 


338  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1799. 

in  peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  fellow 
citizens." 

The  Senate  testified  their  respect  and  sor 
row  by  similar  proceedings.  A  joint  com 
mittee  of  the  two  houses  was  appointed,  who 
reported  resolutions  recommending,  that  a  mar 
ble  monument  should  be  erected  to  commemo 
rate  the  great  events  in  the  military  and  polit 
ical  life  of  Washington  ;  that  an  oration,  suited 
to  the  occasion,  should  be  pronounced  in  the 
presence  of  both  houses  of  Congress  ;  that  the 
people  of  the  United  States  should  wear  crape 
on  the  left  arm  thirty  days  as  a  badge  of  mourn 
ing  j  and  that  the  President,  in  the  name  of 
Congress,  should  be  requested  to  write  a  letter 
of  condolence  to  Mrs.  Washington.  These 
resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted.  The 
funeral  ceremonies  were  appropriate  and  sol 
emn.  A  discourse  was  delivered  on  the  oc 
casion  by  General  Lee,  then  a  representative 
in  Congress. 

But  no  formal  act  of  the  national  legislature 
was  required  to  stir  up  the  hearts  of  the  peo 
ple,  or  to  remind  them  of  the  loss  they  had 
sustained  in  the  death  of  a  man,  whom  they 
had  so  long  been  accustomed  to  love  and  re 
vere,  and  the  remembrance  of  whose  deeds 
and  virtues  was  so  closely  connected  with  that 
of  their  former  perils,  and  of  the  causes  of 


^T.67.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  339 

their  present  prosperity  and  happiness.  The 
mourning  was  universal.  It  was  manifested 
by  every  token,  which  could  indicate  the  pub 
lic  sentiment  and  feeling.  Orators,  divines, 
journalists,  and  writers  of  every  class,  re 
sponded  to  the  general  voice  in  all  parts  of  the 
country,  and  employed  their  talents  to  solem 
nize  the  event,  and  to  honor  the  memory  of 
him,  who,  more  than  any  other  man,  of  an 
cient  or  modern  renown,  may  claim  to  be 
called  THE  FATHER  OF  HIS  COUNTRY. 

The  person  of  Washington  was  command 
ing,  graceful,  and  fitly  proportioned  ;  his  stat 
ure  six  feet,  his  chest  broad  and  full,  his  limbs 
long  and  somewhat  slender,  but  well  shaped 
and  muscular.  His  features  were  regular  and 
symmetrical,  his  eyes  of  a  light  blue  color,  and 
his  whole  countenance,  in  its  quiet  state,  was 
grave,  placid,  and  benignant.  When  alone,  or 
not  engaged  in  conversation,  he  appeared  se 
date  and  thoughtful ;  but,  when  his  attention 
was  excited,  his  eye  kindled  quickly  and  his 
face  beamed  with  animation  and  intelligence. 
He  was  not  fluent  in  speech,  but  what  he  said 
was  apposite,  and  listened  to  with  the  more 
interest  as  being  known  to  come  from  the 
heart.  He  seldom  attempted  sallies  of  wit  or 
humor,  but  no  man  received  more  pleasure 
from  an  exhibition  of  them  by  others  ;  and, 


340  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [1799. 

although  contented  in  seclusion,  he  sought  his 
chief  happiness  in  society,  and  participated 
with  delight  in  all  its  rational  and  innocent 
amusements.  Without  austerity  on  the  one 
hand,  or  an  appearance  of  condescending  fa 
miliarity  on  the  other,  he  was  affable,  courte 
ous,  and  cheerful ;  but  it  has  often  been  re 
marked,  that  there  was  a  dignity  in  his  person 
and  manner,  not  easy  to  be  denned,  which  im 
pressed  every  one  that  saw  him  for  the  first 
time  with  an  instinctive  deference  and  awe. 
This  may  have  arisen  in  part  from  a  convic 
tion  of  his  superiority,  as  well  as  from  the 
effect  produced  by  his  external  form  and  de 
portment. 

The  character  of  his  mind  was  unfolded  in 
the  public  and  private  acts  of  his  life  ;  and 
the  proofs  of  his  greatness  are  seen  almost  as 
much  in  the  one  as  the  other.  The  same 
qualities,  which  raised  him  to  the  ascendency 
he  possessed  over  the  will  of  a  nation  as  the 
commander  of  armies  and  chief  magistrate, 
caused  him  to  be  loved  and  respected  as  an 
individual.  Wisdom,  judgment,  prudence,  and 
firmness  were  his  predominant  traits.  No  man 
ever  saw  more  clearly  the  relative  importance 
of  things  and  actions,  or  divested  himself  more 
entirely  of  the  bias  of  personal  interest,  par 
tiality,  and  prejudice,  in  discriminating  be- 


JEx.  67.]  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  341 

tween  the  true  and  the  false,  the  right  and 
the  wrong,  in  all  questions  and  subjects  that 
were  presented  to  him.  He  deliberated  slowly, 
but  decided  surely ;  and,  when  his  decision 
was  once  formed,  he  seldom  reversed  it,  and 
never  relaxed  from  the  execution  of  a  meas 
ure  till  it  was  completed.  Courage,  physical 
and  moral,  was  a  part  of  his  nature  ;  and, 
whether  in  battle  or  in  the  midst  of  popular 
excitement,  he  was  fearless  of  danger  and  re 
gardless  of  consequences  to  himself. 

His  ambition  was  of  that  noble  kind,  which 
aims  to  excel  in  whatever  it  undertakes,  and 
to  acquire  a  power  over  the  hearts  of  men  by 
promoting  their  happiness  and  winning  their 
affections.  Sensitive  to  the  approbation  of 
others  and  solicitous  to  deserve  it,  he  made  no 
concessions  to  gain  their  applause,  either  by 
flattering  their  vanity  or  yielding  to  their  ca 
prices.  Cautions  without  timidity,  bold  with 
out  rashness,  cool  in  counsel,  deliberate  but 
firm  in  action,  clear  in  foresight,  patient  under 
reverses,  steady,  persevering,  and  self-possess 
ed,  he  met  and  conquered  every  obstacle  that 
obstructed  his  path  to  honor,  renown,  and  suc 
cess.  More  confident  in  the  uprightness  of 
his  intentions,  than  in  his  resources,  he  sought 
knowledge  and  advice  from  other  men.  He 
chose  his  counsellors  with  unerring  sagacity ; 


342  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1799. 

and  his  quick  perception  of  the  soundness  of 
an  opinion,  and  of  the  strong  points  in  an  ar 
gument,  enabled  him  to  draw  to  his  aid  the 
best  fruits  of  their  talents,  and  the  light  of 
their  collected  wisdom. 

His  moral  qualities  were  in  perfect  harmony 
with  those  of  his  intellect.  Duty  was  the 
ruling  principle  of  his  conduct ;  and  the  rare 
endowments  of  his  understanding  were  not 
more  constantly  tasked  to  devise  the  best 
methods  of  effecting  an  object,  than  they  were 
to  guard  the  sanctity  of  conscience.  No  in 
stance  can  be  adduced,  in  which  he  was  actu 
ated  by  a  sinister  motive,  or  endeavored  to 
attain  an  end  by  unworthy  means.  Truth, 
integrity,  and  justice  were  deeply  rooted  in  his 
mind  ;  and  nothing  could  rouse  his  indignation 
so  soon,  or  so  utterly  destroy  his  confidence, 
as  the  discovery  of  the  want  of  these  virtues 
in  any  one  whom  he  had  trusted.  Weakness 
es,  follies,  indiscretions,  he  could  forgive ;  but 
subterfuge  and  dishonesty  he  never  forgot, 
rarely  pardoned.  He  was  candid  and  sincere, 
true  to  his  friends,  and  faithful  to  all,  neither 
practising  dissimulation,  descending  to  artifice, 
nor  holding  out  expectations  which  he  did  not 
intend  should  be  realized.  His  passions  were 
strong,  and  sometimes  they  broke  out  with 
vehemence,  but  he  had  the  power  of  checking 


^Ex.67.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  343 

them  in  an  instant.  Perhaps  self-control  was 
the  most  remarkable  trait  of  his  character.  It 
was  in  part  the  effect  of  discipline  ;  yet  he 
seems  by  nature  to  have  possessed  this  power 
to  a  degree  which  has  been  denied  to  other 
men. 

A  Christian  in  faith  and  practice,  he  was 
habitually  devout.  His  reverence  for  religion 
is  seen  in  his  example,  his  public  communica 
tions,  and  his  private  writings.  He  uniformly 
ascribed  his  successes  to  the  beneficent  agency 
of  the  Supreme  Being.  Charitable  and  hu 
mane,  he  was  liberal  to  the  poor,  and  kind  to 
those  in  distress.  As  a  husband,  son,  and 
brother,  he  was  tender  and  affectionate.  With 
out  vanity,  ostentation,  or  pride,  he  never 
spoke  of  himself  or  his  actions,  unless  re 
quired  by  circumstances  which  concerned  the 
public  interests.  As  he  was  free  from  envy, 
so  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  escape  the  envy 
of  others,  by  standing  on  an  elevation  which 
none  could  hope  to  attain.  If  he  had  one  pas 
sion  more  strong  than  another,  it  was  love  of 
his  country.  The  purity  and  ardor  of  his 
patriotism  were  commensurate  with  the  great 
ness  of  its  object.  Love  of  country  in  him 
was  invested  with  the  sacred  obligation  of  a 
duty  :  and  from  the  faithful  discharge  of  this 
duty  he  never  swerved  for  a  moment,  either  in 


344  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  [1799. 

thought  or  deed,  through  the  whole  period  of 
his  eventful  career. 

Such  are  some  of  the  traits  in  the  character 
of  Washington,  which  have  acquired  ,r  him 
the  love  and  veneration  of  mankind.  If  they 
are  not  marked  with  the  brilliancy,  extrava 
gance,  and  eccentricity,  which  in  other  men 
have  excited  the  astonishment  of  the  world,  so 
neither  are  they  tarnished  by  the  follies  nor 
disgraced  by  the  crimes  of  those  men.  It  is 
the  happy  combination  of  rare  talents  and 
qualities,  the  harmonious  union  of  the  intel 
lectual  and  moral  powers,  rather  than  the  daz 
zling  splendor  of  any  one  trait,  which  consti 
tute  the  grandeur  of  his  character.  If  the 
title  of  great  man  ought  to  be  reserved  for 
him,  who  cannot  be  charged  with  an  indiscre 
tion  or  a  vice,  who  spent  his  life  in  establish 
ing  the  independence,  the  glory,  and  durable 
prosperity  of  his  country,  who  succeeded  in 
all  that  he  undertook,  and  whose  successes 
were  never  won  at  the  expense  of  honor,  jus 
tice,  integrity,  or  by  the  sacrifice  of  a  single 
principle,  this  title  will  not  be  denied  to 
Washington. 


THE    END. 


. 


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